Somalia And The Scourge Of Godless Relativism

There can be nothing more repugnant than the kind of Godless relativism that permits men to perform the most heinous of acts, in the service of narrow political interests. Few people, if any, seem to pay sufficient attention to the fundamental flaws inherent in any theory which claims that the distinction between right and wrong can be blurred. There can be no variation—as all individuals with firm beliefs shall realise—in either environment or personal perspective that can alter the distinction between that which is right and that which is wrong. It seems to me that the distinction between honour and dishonour can never be blurred, and any individual that can believe otherwise is clearly deluded.

Recently, we have witnessed devastation on a great scale in the lands of the Levant. The most dreadful form of organised barbarism had been unleashed upon a long-abused and captive populace. The justification for this particularly outrageous, and gruesome, form of military aggression had been the relative security rights of one group of people as compared to the rights of another group of people. This kind of relative comparison, I believe, is the root cause of much of the suffering in this world. It seems to me that we are all encouraged to believe in the erroneous idea that any society that can boast a relatively superior form of military power may, if it so deems fit, seek to obliterate another society in the interests of relative security.

In Somalia, during the past two years, we have witnessed levels of violence, and internal civilian displacement never before witnessed in this corner of the world. The Ethiopian military invasion, of the Somali national territory in late 2006, has directly resulted in the deaths of no less than 16000 Somali people. This particularly ghastly military occupation of the Somali national territory had been launched in order to satisfy the spurious interests of non-Somali political leaders. This specific military intervention was designed to satisfy the relatively obscure political interests of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, of Ethiopia, with respect to the Somali people. That is to say that the so-called international community had agreed—on this particular occasion—that the relative merits of Ethiopian state interests were far more important than the legitimate interests of the Somali nation.

It is important to recall that the Somali city of Mogadishu, which for so long had been a lawless and anarchic place, had been rehabilitated by the ICU and had become a city of law and order well before the Ethiopian military invasion of December 2006. Instead of encouraging the good work the ICU—and supporting the full restoration of law and order throughout the entire Somali national territory—the powers of the West deemed the rise of the ICU as something that was relatively bad for the people of Somalia and, by extension, the rest of the world. The Ethiopian military intervention in Somalia was accordingly sanctioned and supported in the West. The fact that the ICU was relatively popular inside Somalia, at the time of the Ethiopian military invasion, apparently did not interests the powers in the West.

Upon reflecting upon these matters, one is forced to come to the conclusion that the relative merits of popular Somali national aspirations are almost certainly viewed with suspicion—if not contempt—in the important centres of power in the West. It seems to me that the relatively more Western orientated political interests of the Ethiopian state are more appealing to the self-appointed Western arbiters, of African political disputes, than the essentially Islamic political interests of the Somali nation. In the Islamic tradition, there can be no blurring of the distinction between right and wrong; no blurring of the distinction between service and dis-service; and no blurring of the distinction between military occupation and national liberation. Today, the city of Mogadishu is in a worse state than on the occasion of the initial arrival of the Ethiopian army. Godless relativism had inspired the folly that has become the Ethiopian military occupation of the Somali national territory, and, it shall be Godless relativism that precipitates the demise of many currently moribund political entities in this world.

Somalia And Foreign Military Interventionism

Without doubt, we—the Somali people—must praise the Almighty for the unilateral withdrawal of the Ethiopian armed forces from the Banaadir region of Somalia. The military invasion, and brutal occupation, of Somali territory by the a foreign power represents a stain upon the dignity of the Somali people, and the fact that this particular nightmare seems to be receding is certainly a wonderful thing. However, we—the Somali people—must learn from the past and we must realise that nothing, in terms of military affairs, is ever absolute. We must realise that we should never again find ourselves in a position where a section of the Somali community can openly invite the armed forces, of a foreign power, to enter the Somali national territory. Armies are, by definition, trained to kill people. Therefore, one must question the motive—not to mention the morality—of seeking the support of a foreign army at the expense of one's own people? What could be more base than finding peace inside Somalia at the end of the barrel of an Ethiopian gun? By our faith, we must not tolerate the subjugation of the Somali people by any foreign army. Somali society has been fractured and dysfunctional for three decades now. Despite this fact, nothing can justify the military occupation of the Somali national territory by any invading army. We, the Somali people, must put our political differences aside if we intend to avoid a repeat of the horrors of military occupation in the future.

During both this decade and the last, the Somali people have suffered at the hands of foreign military interventionists. In the first instance, an unholy military coalition spoke of safeguarding the humanitarian needs of the Somali people whilst they killed innocent Somali civilians by the thousand. In the second, and more recent instance, military interventionist ideology determined that the Somali national territory had become a “safe haven” for international terrorism. This has resulted, once again, in the needless deaths of thousands of innocent Somali civilians. Military interventionism is a hallmark of Western politics when it comes to dealing with certain regions of the world. Military interventionism is a recurring theme throughout the past five centuries of human history. From the tactics of gunboat diplomacy to the deployment of thousands of boots on the ground, military interventionism is an ancient imperial privilege. However, it is most distressing to learn that the stated aims of military interventionist theory have neither been met or satisfied by the military interventions that have cruelly devastated Somali society in recent years. Neither the humanitarian needs of the Somali people nor the so-called safe havens for international terrorism have ever been influenced one way or another by the tactics employed by the military interventionists of the world. Therefore, the time has come for all concerned to realise that violence, in the form of military intervention, shall never resolve the unique political problems of the Somali nation.

Both Somalis and non-Somalis must learn to recognise the fact that violence, in the form of military intervention, only serves to divide the people of the Somali nation. Indeed, the political division of the people of Somalia only serves the interests of the Ethiopian government, the chief military interventionists inside Somalia during the past decade. We, the noble Somali people, must realise that just as the armed forces of Ethiopia exit the military theatre of present day Mogadishu, they stealthily enter another theatre of military activity. Nothing is irreversible in this world, and it is quite clear that the Ethiopian armed forces have decided to modify their tactics, and to return to first principles. The Ethiopian armed forces, for the foreseeable future, shall resume the practice of primarily arming and supporting various friendly militia inside Somalia. Where the tactics of direct military intervention have failed them, the Ethiopian high command hope to exploit the political divisions already present within Somali urban society to their best advantage. In recent weeks, we have already seen an intensification of military activity in the Bay, Bakool, and Gedo regions of Somalia. This, it seems, is a welcome return to low-intensity warfare from the perspective of the Ethiopian armed forces. Perhaps, this new policy serves as a best means of defence—from the perspective of the Ethiopian government—when it finds itself confronted by hostile Somali forces. In any event, the hostility of certain Somali groups is nothing if not the fruit of years of foreign military interventionism inside the Somali national territory. It is the responsibility of all Somalis to recognise this fact, and to take measures that shall prevent future foreign military interventions inside the Somali national territory.

Where Is Somaliland?

When the Almighty distributed land to the peoples of the world, he had bestowed upon the Somali people an area of land so bountiful that they would remain a self-reliant nation for all time. The national territory of the Somali people is a place that is sacred to those who work this land by raising livestock upon it. The national territory, of the Somali people, is the the very foundation of Somali freedom. This land supports the many millions of Ari and Gheel that Somali culture—as we have come to know it—is physically tethered to this land despite the endless peregrination of the Somali people. This land, more than anything else, unifies all of the Somali people and marks them out as unique.

From the equatorial South; through the seemingly endless Somali flatland; and over the highest peaks of the magnificent Golis mountains, the national territory of the Somali people supports a peaceful and comfortably ancient way of life. The ancient Somali way of life is common to all Somali people, and the fact that all Somali people share a single common language is evidence of the unitary nature of Somali culture. From the rich red earth of Galguduud to the tranquil sand dunes of coastal Mudug, there exists a unity of purpose shared by the Somalis who live in this corner of the world. From the Bajuni islands of Badhaadhe district to the coastal islands of Zaylac district, there is a common faith which is shared by all of the Somali people.

With these facts in mind, how can there be any individuals amongst us who genuinely believe that men may divide land that has been made unitary, by the Almighty, for the benefit of the Somali people? Furthermore, who amongst us can authentically define where the territorial limits of Somali land begin and end? It is time to take a good look at the current situation, and to re-calibrate the political machine that has patently failed the Somali people in recent decades. For too long, the hopelessly misguided and predominantly urbanised sections of Somali society, have neglected their political responsibility to preserve all that is vital to the ancient Somali way of life.

The most fundamental component of the Somali way of life is the preservation of the Somali national territory. Indeed, without the Somali national territory there could not exist the vibrant and robust cultural heritage of the Somali people. How has it come to pass that we, the Somali people, have come to abandon our right to protect our most precious of natural assets—our land—during recent times? What could be more important for the preservation of the Somali way of life than the full restoration of centralised Somali power? For too long now, we have depended on the intervention of the non-Somali world for our salvation. And, it is clear for all to see that such conduct can only lead to the ruin of a nation.

At a certain point in time, the Somali people shall learn to recognise the fact that the numerous foreign interventions, be they military in nature or otherwise, shall never serve the best interests of the Somali people. No foreign initiative can be considered an adequate substitute for a genuinely Somali solution to the security problems of modern day Somaliland. It is obvious now that the best solutions shall only come from within, and it is important for all Somalis to realise this idea. The Somali nation has a great opportunity if all Somali people—no matter where they are living in the world—ask themselves the question: Where is Somaliland? For this question serves as the portal through which reason can finally illuminate the darkness of modern Somali national politics.

Somaliland is a place where each and every Somali person, who has ever lived in this world, would recognise. Somaliland is where all Somali livestock has every found pasture, and where all Somali families have their roots. Somaliland is the place where all Somali poets have found their inspiration, and where all Somali warriors have sacrificed themselves for the benefit of their people. Somaliland is a place where Somali nomadic self-reliance is respected and Somali urban indolence is frowned upon. Somaliland is indivisible, and Somaliland is most certainly not a pseudo-Ethiopian protectorate.

Warlords, Self-deception, And The Ruin of The Somali Nation

Let us not forget that the Ethiopian army has been active in the Somali region of Gedo since 1996, when this army was engaged in operations then being directed against the now defunct Al-Itihad Al-Islamiya organisation. We should not be surprised by the news, currently reaching us from the Gedo region, that the infamous warlord-cum-parliamentarian Col. Barre Hirale has been re-armed by the Ethiopian state and is determined to retake the Somali port city of Kismayu. Barre Hirale's
forces—backed up by the Ethiopian army—recently took possession of Burdhubo and Balet Xaawo towns in the Gedo region.

Can anyone, in their right mind, really believe that the Ethiopian army can serve the best interests of the Somali people? How often must certain sections of the Somali community attempt to deceive themselves in the interests of personal greed? By all the established laws of humanity, and in all of the annals of human history treason has been the most heinous of crimes. We recently witnessed the resignation of the abominable Somali traitor Cabdullahi Yusuf Axmed as President of the Somali TFG, now we see others carrying on from where the hopelessly misguided octogenarian had left off. Surely now is the time to find a new way ahead for the Somali nation?

The Somali people simply cannot afford to remain in their current unfortunate situation. The Somali people have become nothing more than the captives of various warlords, with vicious and disgraceful reputations as men who have betrayed their own compatriots. The Somali people must learn to speak the truth to those in power, no matter how fearful their reputation. The time has come to seek the truth, and in doing so to name the various traitors who currently masquerade as Somali politicians. It is time to call this moribund class of parasitic cretins what they really are. They are not policy makers or law makers; they are not visionaries or peacemakers.

They are all treacherous villains who bleed the Somali nation of its vitality. These reckless Somali warlords burn the spirit of the Somali nation by sacrificing the youth of our nation for their own selfish ends. How many more young men's lives can we afford to lose needlessly in the endless wars for territory between glorified Somali gangsters who claim to be legitimate defenders of certain communities? The flawed ideas that underpin the phenomenon of Somali warlordism cannot be allowed to live on. If we, the honourable people of Somalia, continue to tolerate the existence of such foul and treacherous practices, then our ancient nation shall be dismembered by our enemies.

Surely if the Ethiopian army, for so long now involved in the killings of thousands upon thousands of innocent Somali civilians, is active inside the Somali national territory specifically because it aims to dismember the Somali nation? Can we really afford to lose more of the Somali national territory to an ancient enemy of the Somali people? It is people like Colonel Barre Aden Shire “Hirale” who facilitate the dismemberment of the Somali national territory. It is precisely such people who permit the Ethiopian state to interfere in Somali national affairs. We can do well without such interference and, in the long run, the Ethiopian authorities shall inevitably have to deal with the full consequences of their actions.

For now, let us demonstrate our refusal to submit to the will of the Ethiopian state. The Somali people are a people of faith, and as such, we cannot allow the most deplorable members of the Somali community to politically hold the rest of us hostage. We must make a stand, before it becomes too late. We, of the Somali nation, must all learn to recognise that our best interests are never served by the Ethiopian army or any other invading military force. Let us all, in the name of the Almighty, renounce the kind of self-deception that has brought us to our current and terrible political plight. The Somali people deserve so much more than the degenerate warlords who are responsible for the political ruin of our nation.

The Unitary Nature of Somali Society

To many fans of the beautiful game, they are the greatest team ever to have taken the field of play, and I am inclined to agree with this particular assertion. The thing that impresses people the most, about the Brazilian national football team, which won the World Cup tournament in 1970, is the sheer joy with which they played their game. Their achievements live on in the memories of millions of football fans around the world. The many triumphs of the Brazilian national team, over the years, and their unquestionable status as the world's leading football nation, are truly remarkable when one thinks about the history of this particular South American country. Like many other 'New World' countries, Brazil has a turbulent past. A past rooted in the dark period of the trans-atlantic slave trade. The stark social divisions; the abject poverty of much of the Brazilian population; the chronic institutionalsed racism of Brazilian society; and the rampant criminality, which is ever present in the overcrowded slums of Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo is all forgotten when the famous yellow and blue, of the national team, is taking on the world. Indeed, football has become an important national export as well as an emblem of Brazilian society in modern times.

Success on the field not only makes people feel good, but it unites the many different ethnicities, religions, and languages that constitute Brazilian society. So, it is important, from the Somali perspective, to ask—how can such a divided society as that of Brazil attain such unity of purpose that this nation can beat the world, so spectacularly, and so convincingly as in the case of the 1970 World Cup? There must be something advantageous in being a unitary nation, but the Brazilian example demonstrates that a nation can succeed, in any field, even if the population is divided along the lines of rich and poor, or black and white. There is something deeply distressing about realising that people—all over the world—can overcome great challenges whilst we, of the Somali nation, seem to revel in creating certain avoidable difficulties for ourselves. I wonder whether any of the Brazilian players, who played in the 1970 World Cup winning team, were selected on the basis of their clan lineage or on their abilities as football players?

It seems absurd to me that we, of the Somali nation, insist on dividing everything along clan lines. In 1956, during the Italian administered UN trusteeship—of what would eventually become the Somali Republic—an interior government had been formed for the purpose running Somalia once the decade long UN trusteeship came to an end in 1960. The various ministrial posts, of the interior government, had mainly been given to members of the Somali Youth League, and a number of junior ministerial posts had been given to Somalis who were collectively known as the 'Pro-Italian' group. It seems to me that the ugly side of the phenomenon of Somali clanism began to show itself at this time. There is the legendary example of one Somali minister who, during this period, was serving in the interior government cabinet. This man, so the story goes, made a point of placing a can of Coca-Cola on his office desk. This particularly infamous minister hailed from the Somali city of Beletweyn, and his favoured method of handing out jobs was to interview prospective candidates in his office, and to ask them to tell him the Somali word for the object on his desk. If the candidate said Coombo, and not Daasad he would get the job. This is an amusing example of Somali clan chauvinism, but we must never make the mistake of thinking that this type of clan bias is a harmless social pass-time. Blood can be easily and needlessly shed, as we all well know, if people are motivated by such silly and divisive ideas. Such discriminatory behaviour must not be tolerated in Somali public life.

Despite the glorious achievements of the Brazilian national team, Brazilian society has many deep seated problems. For example, in the city of Rio de Janeiro alone, 50000 people are murdered each year. There is a brutal civil war being waged in many of the ramshackle shantytowns of Brazil. Despite its status as an important emerging economy, and potential savior of free-market economics, Brazil is plagued by both high-level corruption and low-level drug dealing. Despite these obvious problems, Brazilian politicians are cannily aware of their country's best interests. They work hard in order to make their country competitive in this world. This is something that the politicians of Brazil have in common with their football players. There is much that the assorted politicians of Somalia can learn from their Brazilian counterparts. I am hopeful that, in time, most of the politicians of Somalia shall learn to put the best interests of their nation above their own petty biases. I am hopeful that the psychological need that inspires the phenomenon of Somali clanism shall be eradicated from Somali public life, and that the unitary nature of Somali society shall be projected onto the world stage.

Somalia And The Battle Within

'No matter how comfortable the surroundings, or how agreeable the food, one can never be truly happy in exile.'

Dante Alighieri (c.1265-1321)

There is a particular look in the eyes of those with fear in their hearts. A look that betrays the intense concentration stimulated by paranoid insecurities within the human psyche. It is possible to see this look in the faces of people—when one meets them for the first time—who are under the influence of irrational prejudices, hollow individualism, superficial pursuits, and a futile search for the approval of people or societies that appear to sparkle in the distance for them.

Ask yourself—have you ever felt so needy that you have been tempted to leave all that is dear to your heart in order to improve your lot in this world? As the saying goes, desperate times call for desperate measures. It is easy to forgive those people who are forced, by the hand of earthly misfortune, to leave the love of their family and the embrace of their national heritage in order to improve their personal circumstances. However, the same cannot be said of those who, for whatever reason, choose to betray the love of their family by working for those who seek to destroy the economic well being of the Somali community.

Many of us seem to aware of the fact that the economic bedrock of Somali society has been deliberately destabilised during the past decade. The act of raising livestock—the quintessentially Somali way of life—seems to be getting more difficult with each passing year. We hear that ancient grazing lands are shrinking at an alarming rate. Remarkably, we hear that certain species of Somali flora seem to have disappeared altogether. Water resources are less reliable now in Somalia than they were a generation ago, and we are slowly beginning to realise that all of these things may be linked to the changing global environment.

Few can argue against the true nature of the practical difficulties facing the rural Somali communities of today, but at the same time, only a lack of faith in the Almighty and an absence self-belief can inspire the people of Somalia to turn their backs on an ancient way of life. Each member of the Somali community must, at the very least, be aware of the fact that there are bigger things in life than urban consumerism, and the selfish demands of Godless secularism. Indeed, if all Somali people took a moment to think about the peculiar madness, that inspires some men to systematically kill Somali livestock and to poison Somali water resources, few would fail to realise that the national territory of the Somali people is currently being besieged by an array of humanoid Jackals and Hyenas.

Ask yourself—are you familiar with the psychological condition known as Stockholm syndrome? This is the curious mental condition in which those that are being held captive demonstrate strong signs of loyalty to their captors. At this moment in time, the entire Somali nation is being held captive by the Ethiopian army, IGAD, and the United Nations. Therefore, how can anyone be surprised by the fact that many Somalis—who usually belong to the relatively privileged urban classes inside Somalia and in the Somali Diaspora—demonstrate strong signs of loyalty to their political captors.

The most important battle for the people of Somalia is the battle within. For each and every one of us must face personal challenges as a result of the Somali civil war. Only when most of us can say that we have triumphed in this particular battle shall the gap between the practical reality of Somalia and the human perceptions of Somalia converge in order to become one and the same thing. At the present time, the many psychological frailties of the Somali nation seem to have developed a life of their own. In urban Somali life today, it is quite common to see people segregate themselves for all manner petty reasons. Some examples, of what I like to think of as Somali self-segregation, are based on the style of Somali dress, whilst other examples are based upon childish notions of gang mentality.

It is quite clear to me that the paranoid and insecure psychological state of modern Somali urbanism is a direct result of the horrific civil war that has ruined our beloved homeland. It is also quite clear, in my opinion, that the true remedy for the psychological fallout of war can only be found in the curative powers of the ancient Somali way of life. Quite simply, the rehabilitation of Somali national self-respect shall sweep away the fear that has found a home in the hearts of many of our people today. With national self-respect, no Somali individual can betray his own family for the practical benefit of an historic foreign enemy. With public renewal for the concept of love for all things Somali, no Somali individual shall fear his compatriots without reason. And surely, with self-respect, a Somali individual can confidently condemn and bring to justice those who have committed crimes against the Somali nation, even if such people belong to a single Somali family.

To defend principles of justice for the Somali nation is to name and shame those who betray the Somali people for reasons of shallow personal gain. To defend the concept of justice for the Somali nation is to investigate all acts of wrongdoing in Somali public affairs. And, to enforce the requirements justice is to apprehend, and to punish, those individuals who commit crimes against the Somali people, especially if they are a close blood relation.

As an individual, to respect the needs of the Somali nation is to respect yourself. As an individual in modern Somalia, to be attentive to the needs of the Somali community is to win the battle within. For those who fail to overcome their fears; who fail to overcome their greed; and fail to overcome their loyalty to those who may direct them from beyond the national territory of the Somali people shall eventually ruin all of us if they are not stopped. Ultimately, if we fail to win the battle within—the most strategic of all battles—we shall lend legitimacy to the disrespectful policies of those who seek to fatally damage the Somali nation.

We, the honourable Somali people, cannot afford to be complacent. The members of the Somali Diaspora, no matter how comfortable life is at present, do not believe for a moment that you can ever win genuine self-respect by turning your backs, collectively, on the great challenges that confront us today. It is our collective responsibility to win back the freedom and dignity of the Somali nation. We have been held as captives for long enough now. Let us intensify our efforts, and let us banish the appallingly destructive politics of fear once and for all inside Somalia.