Somali National Self-Determination

Surely, if the facade known as the legal-rational state of Nigeria can be considered an important player on the African stage, the Honourable Somali nation deserves to be respected as a player on the world stage? Has it not been the Somalis who have shown, time and again—despite the best efforts of the imperialist design inspired by the men of Europe in 1884—that war shall be waged against injustice, no matter how great the technological gap between the opposing forces? Most of the African continent may have succumbed to the coercive and brutal methods of European colonialism and, more recently, to the more subtle but related methods of the Americans, still the Somalis continue to fight valiantly against injustice.

Let us not be distracted by terms or methods. The fact of the matter is that there is no justification, what so ever, for the neo-colonialist concept of imposing governments “from above” upon African people. What authority gives the right to foreigners with respect to the task of creating a central government for the Somali people? A conclave of Somali warlords, hosted in Kenya, in 2004 gave birth to the monstrous TFG of Somalia. Nothing can be more insulting to Somali people than this overtly racist piece of political theatre. Is anyone with any intelligence genuinely surprised to learn of the fact that the TFG of Somalia is now on the brink of total collapse? Can anyone really be surprised by the news that the invading Ethiopian army—originally tasked with installing the fatally flawed TFG of Somalia in Mogadishu—now gladly faces the prospect of a military retreat from the scene of a major military humiliation?

The fact of the matter is that Somali people hate injustice, and nothing can be more unjust than the external imposition of alien concepts and ideals upon a traditionally proud and sovereign people. The Somali people, by their very nature, are always prepared to extend the hand of friendship to those who are prepared to treat them with respect. Let us hope that now, after more than a century of struggle with the disrespectful policies that had been inspired by the first great African land grab, the Somali nation shall be given time and space in order to determine its own political destiny. It seems obvious that a continuation of this war shall only be possible if the Somali people are somehow denied the opportunity to choose their own leaders, and on their own terms.

Many people are held captive by a deadly psychological distemper that all too often prevents them from thinking clearly. Such people are paralysed by fear when they are confronted by cultures other than their own. To such people, culture, language, art, and religion are all shadowy if these symbols of human civilisation belong to people other than themselves. The Somalis are incapable of changing their way of life for the benefit of other races of men; and, quite frankly, why should they do so? Certain other races of men are of the view that their way of life is superior to that of the Somali people. Such people are capable of extolling the virtues of hollow secularism, material consumerism, and moral relativism. Such people are capable of killing for the advancement of their perceived interests. It seems to me that it is in the interest of certain races of men to finally accept the fact that the Somali nation is fully justified when it comes to rejecting the corrosive influences of external direction. I would also suggest that the world is big enough to accommodate both western secularism and the Somali way of life.

Finally, the fact that Nigerian troops are being touted, by the western powers—in order to fill the military void that would be created by the much desired exit of the Ethiopian army from the hallowed soil of Somalia—represents a continuation of the current disrespectful and discriminatory policies designed to fatally compromise the Somali nation. The Nigerian government is well advised to keep its military forces away from Somalia. If they choose to send their soldiers to Somalia, they can expect to be confronted by hostile forces. The Somali people have a long tradition of fighting against imperialism and other disrespectful foreign interventions. Self-determination is the key to the problems of Somalia, and now is the time for all concerned to acknowledge this simple fact.

The Unlicensed and Undocumented Privateers of Somalia

I must admit that I was rather amused when I first encountered the phrase Unlicensed and Undocumented Privateers of Somalia. When I reflected upon these words for a moment, I realised that this is the perfect description of the noble men who currently guard the marine resource of the Somali nation. It is true that they have attained global fame, and that their exploits are being reported in all corners of the world. However, we must never tolerate the blatant racism that underpins the usage of words like Somali Pirates, or Islamic Pirates. We, the Somali people, must never tolerate the speculative statements, of so-called journalist experts, who earn their pay by dreaming up potential linkages between international terrorism and the honourable business of protecting Somali territorial waters.

What has the world come to when the fish stocks of an entire nation—the Somali nation—are brazenly looted by piratical industrial fishing vessels from France, Spain, Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Egypt, Kenya, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Sri Lanka, Yemen, Belize and Honduras without regard for the natives of Somalia? What has the world come to when certain leading member states of the European Union actively dispose of their industrial, toxic, and nuclear waste in Somali national waters without so much as a thought? How can any group of people be expected to sit idle as both their economy and their environment are severely degraded by people who really should know better? I am of the opinion that the Somali people should be treated with respect. The Somali people are well within their rights when it comes to defending their marine resources.

It is a sad state of affairs that today the Somali nation is somehow expected to apologise to the many racists of this world for having dared to protect its national resources, its culture, and its dignity. Therefore, I state unequivocally that a pirate is a criminal and that a privateer acts within the law. Self defence is a central pillar of the laws of men, and self defence is enshrined in the laws of God. Only the most depraved can deny this truth. It is with the blessing of the Almighty that the privateers of Somalia operate. Until the manifestly disrespectful attitude of the outside world, and the overt racism of armchair analysts is properly addressed, I fear that we shall not witness a positive resolution to the current state of affairs in coastal Somalia.

I sometimes hear the foolish, and naïve, suggestion that the Blackwater company—and others like it—should be sent to Somalia in order to deal with the threats being posed to the international shipping industry. This idea is foolish because, apart from the obvious impracticalities of such a mission, there is the question of how to pay the infamous mercenaries? The very fact that private security companies work on the basis of a long-term contract—often with the U.S. government or powerful corporate interests—rules out the possibility of the insolvent TFG of Somalia hiring such organisations. It is more likely that the U.S. government would hire such mercenaries for this type of mission, but would a company like Blackwater really work in Somalia for the small sum of $5 million a year when they have become accustomed to greater sums of money elsewhere?

The idea that there are thousands of young Somali men, who happen to be both armed and skilful mariners indicates that the Somalis are always going to come out on top when it comes to the privateering industry. The economies of scale, and the fact that Somalia belongs to the Somalis must compel the vicious and greedy policy makers in Europe, Asia, and North America to act honourably for once. They must learn that Somali fishing rights must be respected, and that all foreign fishing vessels illegally operating in Somali national waters must be apprehended: Either by the so-called international community or by the noble privateers of Somalia. Only then shall this problem be solved.

Jamac

There is a Somali man, now possibly living in the Polish city of Warsaw, whom I had the pleasure of meeting in the spring of 2007. This is a man who is slowly entering his middle age years. He is not very tall, and he has a remarkably thin frame. His eyes are intense. He is fiendishly intelligent and his spirit is indomitable. This man can speak, at the very least, five languages well enough to hold a conversation with any native speaker. This man fascinated me from the very beginning but—and I shall be the first to admit this—I was not aware of the reason why this man held my attention captive at that moment in time. Something powerful, and potentially dangerous, could easily be detected when one is in his company. I made a point of not mentioning my clan lineage when I first met him. It always seems absurd to me that many Somalis feel the need to establish the clan identity of a compatriot when they are a distance of thousands of kilometres away from the Somali national territory.

I learned that my new friend's name was Jamac and that he had spent his youth in Mogadishu, where his father had been a high-ranking member of the dreaded Somali secret police. The curious thing about Jamac was that he was comfortable in the company of absolutely anybody. He could be found engaging in conversations with the wealthy denizens of the enormous Marriott Hotel in Warsaw, or he could be engaged in banter with the substance abusers that gather inside Warsaw’s central railway station late at night. I was intrigued by the fact that this man had known, however small his perception had been, the inner workings of the old Somali state. The fact that he had been born into a military household really interested me. This inspired me to ask him many questions about his time in Mogadishu. To his credit, he told me many things about his privileged lifestyle in those days. He also made it very clear to me that he would do anything in order to be to return to the times of peace, the time of his early youth, in Mogadishu. He kept telling me that the home of his youth had been a paradise on earth. What really pained him was the news that the Ethiopian army had established itself in Mogadishu in the first few months of 2007. Jamac kept telling me how much pain he had felt when he had learned of the news that the Ethiopian tricolour had been raised in Mogadishu, and that Somali children were being made to sing the praises of the invading Ethiopian troops.

Jamac had clearly fallen on hard times since his arrival in Warsaw. I did not ask him how he found himself in his current circumstances, but I did learn that he had taken a very circuitous route in order to arrive inside the borders of fortress Europe. He had originally fled the fighting in Mogadishu for the relative safety of the Middle East. After a few years of life inside the Arab world he moved to Russia, where he had spent the best part of a decade. He told me that he had personally witnessed the economic upheavals of the fall of communism. Jamac could speak the Russian language very well and he seemed to have a great deal of respect for the Russian people. He would often say, “The Russians are people that a man can truly live with”. I quickly learned that Jamac had spent almost a decade in Poland, and that he had mastered the use of the Polish language. He had managed to carve out a niche for himself by giving advice to the many migrants that seemed to be flooding into Warsaw during my time there. I once saw him giving advice to tough looking young Chechen, eager to find dangerous work. I saw him introduce people to an Iraqi Kebab shop owner in perfect Arabic. I even saw Jamac giving directions, in the Italian language, to a group of young Sicilians who had become lost in the centre of the Polish capital.

Jamac impressed me with his capacity for survival and, much more so, for his capacity for suffering. I can never imagine what it must be like to be away from one’s own native culture for such a great length of time. Jamac told me of all of the abuses that he had suffered whilst he had been on his tragic journey. He told me that he had become estranged from his wife and his young child, who had moved to the more affluent European Atlantic coast. He told me that there were no more than a dozen Somalis living in the whole of Poland when he had first arrived in Warsaw. In 2007, when I had briefly visited this historic European city, there were 22 Somali individuals living in the Polish capital. This amazed me in many ways, but I was struck dumb when I learned that some of the Somalis in Poland had actually prospered there during the past 15 years. I learned that some of the Somalis had managed to profit from the collapse of the communist command economy, specifically because they had a better understanding of capitalism than their Polish hosts at that precise moment in time. Even Jamac had managed to secure a great deal of money during the early part of the 1990s. However, unlike some, Jamac had never been a man who is good with money.

I think that the combination of a brutal war at home in Somalia, and a profound sense of culture shock has damaged Jamac, and many other Somalis who have made the perilous journey from Africa to Europe. The signs of this are plain to enough to see. It is rather ironic that I met Jamac in Warsaw, because the city of Warsaw hosts the headquarters of the shadowy FRONTEX agency responsible for the protection of the external borders of the European Union. Indeed, it was Jamac who pointed out to me the angular, and gleaming, new building that serves as the home of FRONTEX. Jamac made a point of telling me how ugly he found the look of this particular building. This building, its physical appearance aside, has a great impact upon the lives of African migrants today. But once inside the European Union territory, migrants have little to worry about as far as FRONTEX is concerned. The agency primarily deals with the people trying to get in, not with those already inside E.U. territory. Many Africans now find themselves stranded in Warsaw. I also met individuals from the Cameroon, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, and Mali amongst others. I ask myself why so many African people wish to leave their homelands for the physical confines and legal restrictions of a life in Europe? The answer must surely have some economic component to it, because as well as the Africans, I saw many other foreign people in Warsaw. These people included Iraqis and Armenians, Russians and Chinese. I witnessed a countless number of people that I believed to be Pakistani nationals, being brought in by secret organisations, in order to work in the sweatshops and kitchens of Western Europe.

Where do all of these immigrants stay at night, I thought? Jamac was kind enough to show me around one of the many camps, where all foreigners are housed after they have served six months in an immigrant detention centre. In such places, their legal status as economic migrants is apparently acknowledged. Many of the inhabitants of the camp in the Agustowska area of Warsaw had found work by selling goods brought in from China at the ramshackle daily market at the national stadium. Many African seemed to have become traders there. They sold all manner of things, and their shift would start well before the crack of dawn. If these people were lucky, they could make a meagre profit at the end of the month. The camp, where they live, is on the edge of the city and near to a great power plant. The giant red and white chimneys, of this power plant, can be clearly seen from great distances. The camp itself is a large, pre-fabricated construction, apparently erected some 35 years ago by the old communist government of Poland. It was never designed for its current function as a home for a multitude of foreigners. This building is in a chronic state of disrepair, and the human inhabitants share the place with giant rodents that only come out at night. I don’t think anybody should live in such conditions, especially the poor people of Africa that have been duped into leaving their luminous homelands for the privations of the developed world. Such miniature concentration camps should really be closed down, and the inhabitants should be encouraged to return to their countries of origin with their heads held high.

Jamac showed this hidden world to me, and I must thank him for this service. For without his assistance, I would never have been able to imagine the sheer scale of the economic oppression of entire nations that is being perpetrated in the name of Globalisation. Jamac—I like to think—acted as the Virgil to my Dante, as we descended the various circles of urban Globalisation. Jamac, bless him, could not imagine why anyone would be interested in the study of this hidden world, and I never made any moral judgements with respect to what I saw. However, I did feel a need to ask him why he thought he had been pushed into the situation that now faced him. I asked Jamac what he thought the future would bring him? He astonished me by telling me he felt that he was being punished for certain events that had happened in the past. I did not attempt to press him on this matter, but he insisted that he needed to speak about these unpleasant things. He told me that his father had participated in the military assault, by the Somali National Army, on the Somali city of Hargeisa in 1988. He said that his father had been well acquainted with the infamous Somali commander, known simply as Morgan, who had been the executive military officer during this despicable bombardment of Hargeisa. As for the future, he said that he would accept whatever the Almighty had chosen for him.

I believe that the self-respect of Somali nation is eroded by the abrasive demands of modern individualism. Individual rights, which undermine the viability of a community, are truly something dreadful. The Somali people are nothing without a sense of community. Yet, we flock, in our hundreds of thousands to the shores of Northern Europe and North America. In the great cities of Northern Europe and North America it is easy to see the dark underbelly of Globalisation. It is difficult to avoid the homelessness, the drug abuse, and violent crime of modern urban living. I believe the sham of materialistic individualism has made it possible for us to tolerate the lack of community dynamism that confronts us in these great cities. I fear that we, the Somali people, benefit nothing from the process of mass urbanisation. I fear that the concept of material consumerism is driving the youth of the Somali nation, now living in urban centres, away from the ancient values of the Somali people. To be perfectly honest, our ancient way of life is neither desirable nor is it practical in the claustrophobic environment of modern cities. Therefore, the question has to be asked, are the Somali people genuinely welcome in such an environment? Perhaps, with all due respect to the hard working taxi drivers amongst us, we have been permitted entry into places like fortress Europe in order to provide certain economic services for the wealthier members of society. I find it somewhat amusing that Somalis provide the taxi drivers; that Filipinos provide the domestic servants; West Africans provide the office cleaners; and so on, and so on in these great cities of the world.

The Somali community should remember people, like Jamac, when they fall on hard times. It is the Somali community that should look after its own. We should never seek the charity of others, for charity is the destruction of a nation. I was rather amused—some years ago—to learn that in the city of London, the Somali community has managed to establish over 140 ethnically orientated charities. These numerous organisations have somehow managed to alienate the very people that they had hoped to impress: The potential donors. These groups now struggle to access charity funding because they were asked the simple question; how can there exist over 140 Somali communities in the city of London if the Somali ethnicity is, by definition, unitary? That is to say, a person either belongs to the Somali ethnic group or they do not. Sadly, such episodes, and what they represent, seem to be lost on many urban Somalis today. This type of dishonourable conduct is but just one example of the shamelessness of many urban Somalis today. And, I think a combination of illusory social welfare and hollow individualism has inspired the rise of this appalling subculture. The Somali people, and their ancient customs, are worth much more than the price being paid for their destruction at the hands of modern urbanism. And every single one of us should be mindful of this fact.

The Physiology of a Nation at War

“War is the father of all things”
-Heraclitus (c.535-475 BC)

The fundamental lack of respect for the legitimate interests of the Somali nation is the root cause of the conflict in Somalia. For nearly two decades, we have witnessed both native Somalis and foreign interest groups wading in the murky waters of political intrigue in order to win influence in this important region of the world. Instead of allowing the Somali people to naturally solve their problems in their own time, we have witnessed successive foreign attempts at creating the obsolete and shamefully neo-colonialist idea of a centralised government for the Somali people. The question we must ask ourselves is why? Perhaps the idea of a strong central government—despite the inherent risks posed by a government of Somali Warlords—appeals to those who seek to control the political space in Somalia and, by extension, the natural resources of the Somali nation. It is beyond doubt that the Ethiopian state seeks to control the political space of the Somali nation. The potential benefits that could be derived from doing so are painfully obvious to any honourable Somali person.

It is beyond any doubt that certain political actors within Somalia are in the pay of the Ethiopian intelligence services. It is beyond any doubt that certain Somali personalities only exist to serve the interests of the TPLF rulers of Ethiopia. This is indeed shameful, however, we should not be surprised that the Ethiopian state seeks to gain advantages at the expense of the Somali nation. As far as the leadership of the Ethiopian state is concerned this is an existential matter. They seek to dominate the Somali political space, and this must be recognised as an act of gross disrespect towards the legitimate interests of Somali nation. This act is—in effect—a declaration of war.

The concept of centralised political power is alien to Somali culture. The Somali people are unique because of the poly-centric nature of their national political space. The Somali people were early pioneers of the concept of social networking. Now, the Somalis are the masters of this ethereal system of social regulation. If you have any doubts, ask how the intense war against the combined enemies of the Somali nation is being organised and sustained? If the Somali people are actually in need of political reconciliation, ask how they are able to withstand all of the hostile acts perpetrated against them? Despite the destabilising influence of the numerous foreign interventions inside Somalia, throughout the years, the noble sons and daughters of the Somali nation have managed to organise their affairs well enough to be able to resist all malevolent forces. At the present time, we see the exploitation of Somali marine resources by foreign fishing vessels. Indeed Dr. Clive Scholfield’s paper, Plundered waters: Somalia’s maritime resource insecurity, demonstrates the fact that no less than 700 non-Somali owned fishing vessels are fully engaged in unlicensed fishing in Somali national waters. It is estimated that the Somali economy loses US$300 million each year as a result of this criminal activity. Remarkably, it is evident from Dr. Schofield’s work that vessels from France, Spain, Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Egypt, Kenya, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Sri Lanka, Yemen, Belize and Honduras exploit Somalia's fish stocks, and they do so with virtual impunity. Strangely, many of these very nations intend to send their naval forces to this theatre of crime in the name of fighting piracy. This hypocrisy shall not be overlooked by the people of Somalia. As far as we are concerned this is nothing more than transnational organised crime. Therefore, it must be said that with this combination of disrespect and exploitation comes nothing but injustice. We understand well the injustice of the concept of food aid meant for African nations. How can the Somali nation require food aid when the providential maritime resources of the Somali nation can sustain the theft of US$300 million worth of fish each year? It is this and other examples of international injustice that breed the resistance of the Somali people. And resistance, in all its forms, is noble when an entire nation is being treated in an unjust manner.

Can their be any wonder that the Somali nation finds itself at war at this moment in time? We certainly did not sleep walk into this situation. The mistakes of some have resulted in the suffering of many. However, we must now focus our efforts, as a nation, in order to achieve the noble goal of decisively winning this war. We cannot afford to be distracted by the base political machinations that are designed to ruin the Somali nation. We shall not achieve victory so long as certain sections of the Somali community entertain the idea of foreign mediation with respect to the concept of Somali national reconciliation. We must all recognise the fact that the quickest and easiest way to the purest form of reconciliation, if it is ever needed, is to positively identify the genuine enemies of the Somali nation. It is quite clear that the greatest strength of the Somali nation is the fact that our society is regulated by the ancient poly-centric rhythms of our culture. Therefore, so long as we do not lose this inner strength, the Somali nation shall continue to exist. However, this war is causing us to change. The Somali people have never been known as a nation of seafarers before the early part of this century. The blatant theft of Somali marine resources has spawned an entire native industry. Foreign ships are often held, and they are only released if a fee is paid. The fee goes some way to compensating the people who live on the Somali coast, now that their ability to fish has been greatly reduced. However, it must be understood that the fishermen alone cannot solve this ugly problem. Can there be any wonder that the fishermen of Somalia have developed a paramilitary capability in the light of the crimes perpetrated against them during this time of war? The physiology of the Somali nation is developing and growing as a direct result of this war. The Somali nation did not seek this war but, for the first time in generations, the Somali people are beginning to make great strides as a direct consequence of this war.

The Somali people are now conscious of the fact that they had, in the past, been too easily divided by hostile interested actors like the Ethiopian state. Now, the Somali people are aware of the fact that superficial social divisions, between Somalis, only serve the interests of the Ethiopian enemy. The Somali nation is beginning to realise, as a whole, that the enemy only seeks to prey upon the perceived weaknesses of the Somali people. These perceived weaknesses, like the apparent inability of the Somali political classes to establish a functioning central government now seem to be a manifestation of the innate genius of the Somali social conscience. Somali society can well do without a government of servile Somali warlords who only seek to serve the interests of the Ethiopian state. Somali people hate injustice, and foreign intervention in Somali national affairs is the epitome of injustice. Despite the countless kidnappings of Somali people and the mass renditions to secret prison facilities in Addis-Ababa, the Ethiopian state has failed to dominate the Somali political space. Despite the monumental deceit, hypocrisy, and treachery of the numerous foreign interventions in the internal affairs of the Somali nation, the Ethiopian state has failed to dominate the Somali political space. Despite the military aggression of the Ethiopian armed forces, heavily backed by the U.S. government, the Ethiopian state has failed to dominate the Somali political space. Indeed, this behavior has stimulated an intense military response from the very people that the Ethiopian state had intended to politically dominate.

The Somali people should feel proud of the fact that they have managed to resist the brutality unleashed by the Ethiopian state and its political sponsors. The Somali people should be very proud of the fact that they continue to reject the inefficient and linear neo-colonial model of governance, detested by the populations of all third world client states. This form of governance does not serve the interests of the people living under its rule. Such a form of government only exists to serve the interests of its political sponsors, and the interests of multinational corporations. The Somali people should be applauded for their rejection of this iniquitous and degrading system. If there is any doubt, one should take a good look at the example of Botswana. A country rich in mineral resources where the government is wholly owned by a giant mining corporation. A country with a docile government happy to host a military base that belongs to a great foreign power whilst its native people are dying by the thousand each day. Perhaps this is the way of the modern world, but the honour of the Somali nation must always be upheld. Practically speaking, this means resisting the modern day slavery represented by economic and political domination. Neo-colonialism is an unfortunate reality today, but there can be no justification for the conduct of the Ethiopian state with respect to its misguided policies towards the Somali nation. These policies have stimulated the war that is being fought in the streets of Mogadishu today, and until these policies are reversed we shall continue to hear the sad news that hundreds of Somali civilians are being killed each day. Yet it is this war that is inspiring innovation in many fields. Perhaps, before too long, we shall see the rise of a potent native military-industrial complex in Somalia that is both victorious and attentive to the needs of Somali society. After all the singularly marvelous thing about Somalia is the fact that you can always expect the unexpected.

The National Interest

"I don't believe that Somalia will become a Taliban-style state. We need to accept a few years of harsh Islamic rule and work with the authority that way."

Western Diplomat stationed in Nairobi, Kenya, November 2008.


In a frank, and rather refreshing admission, the unidentified Western diplomat went on to say, “Western governments had been guilty of viewing the Somalia problem as being too difficult to solve and not important enough to matter.” It is now becoming more apparent, with each passing day, that the Western powers have resigned themselves to accept the fact that the Somali people shall never submit to the illegitimate rule of the TFG. The dishonourable octogenarian, Cabdullahi Yusuf Axmed, President of the Somali TFG, in a rare moment of clarity, has publicly admitted that the TFG is on the verge of imploding.

Indeed, the removal of the murderous TFG is in the national interest of the Somali people. The Somali people need, more than anything else at present, the full restoration of public security. It is very evident that the TFG cannot provide the people of Somalia with this most vital of public services, therefore it is entirely legitimate that the authority of the Islamic fighters of Somalia be internationally recognised. These men have demonstrated, beyond all doubt, that they possess the capacity to restore order to any Somali settlement under their control.

There can be no satisfaction derived from the political fracturing of the Islamic groups currently active inside Somalia. The unity of the Somali nation is more important than the interests of any particular group or individual. Therefore, the Somali nation can do well without the kind of internecine violence that occurred in the city of Jowhar within the past week. The Somali Islamic resistance must be maintained as a unitary phenomenon, with the singular political objective of safeguarding the legitimate interests of the Somali nation.

The Somali people must never again become so horribly disunited that the combined enemies of the Somali nation are able to entertain the possibility of conducting acts of military aggression inside the Somali national territory. Never again must we witness the rise of a cadre of ethnic Somalis willing to collaborate with the enemies of the Somali nation. The Islamic resistance fighters of Somalia must safeguard the rights of the Somali nation by adequately confronting the scourge represented by the numerous members of the Somali community who find it all too easy to betray their nation of birth.

The formation of a strong and versatile Somali state that is truly attentive to the needs of the Somali nation is of paramount importance. Never again must we witness the sight of Somali leadership behaving in a servile and submissive manner towards the political authorities of other nations. Never again must the Somali national interest be neglected. Never again must the parasitic Warlords of Somalia be permitted to enslave the Somali people. The new Islamic rulers of Somalia must, as a matter of urgency, bring to bear the full force of the law against the criminals known to have caused so much misery and anguish inside the Somali national territory.

Finally, the new rulers of Somalia must promote and safeguard the legitimate commercial and industrial interests of the Somali nation. Never again must we witness the natural resources of Somalia being brazenly looted by multinational foreign speculators. Never again must we witness the disposal of toxic waste—from the industries of the Western world—inside the Somali national territory. We must, once and for all, reject the concept of Somali regional autonomy. The best interests of the Somali people are served by inflexible national unity. And Somali national interests must be respected above all other political considerations.

The Obamaian Express

Unfortunately, especially during the past 40 years, good judgements in the sphere of Somali public life have been, more often than not, thwarted. This is a statement of fact. We, the great Somali people, have become too easily distracted by the blinkered visions of factional leaders. In the past we have succumbed to the evil that is government predation. We have known Killerism, Gangsterism, and Warlordism. We have witnessed the rise of belligerent and armed political Islam, and the perpetration of all manner of heinous acts. However, despite the woes of our recent past, we are still united in culture. We, the ancient Somali nation, still have a noble heritage, and we must be hopeful of a brighter future. We must take heart from the good example of other nations that have known civil strife on an epic scale.

It is extraordinary that the people of the United States of America should elect a black man as their President at this time. Surely, the election of Barack H. Obama is the finest example imaginable of the democratic process, which promotes style over substance, at work. America has emphatically renewed itself, before the eyes of the world, as a result of this potentially historic moment in time. Few people could have failed to be impressed by the visible qualities, and methods, that have propelled President-elect Obama into the White House. Fewer still could have failed to be impressed by the clarion call for change made by this man. President elect Obama has a great deal to do if he and his new administration are to implement the desired changes in policy. America, and the world, has certainly needed political change in light of the monumental failures of the Bush years. The Somali nation has suffered terribly as a result of decisions made by George W. Bush, the 43rd President of the United States, with respect to the support given by his administration to the Ethiopian government and its brutal military invasion of the Somali national territory.

Although it is true that the change of a political leader is the happiness of fools. There can be no harm in hoping for change at this time, especially if the failed and destructive policies of the Bush years can be reversed with respect to Somalia. The election of President Obama can be taken as a good example of political inclusion by all nations of the world. Democracy is a tried and tested system of government. This is another statement of fact. I would agree with Churchill when he said that democracy is the least worst form of government. I would also add that—in my opinion—Somali society, by its very nature, is inherently democratic. The Somali people are people of faith, and we have always demonstrated our strength, in the past, by standing together when called upon. The Somali people have the ability to share resources, settle conflicts, and regulate society without recourse to the legal-rationalism of the world beyond the limits of the Somali peninsula. This must be respected. We have an ancient culture and, throughout our history, we have been able to settled all matters—both great and small—by using dialogue, reaching compromise, and establishing consensus. What could be more democratic than the Argo-pastoral society of the Somalis before the rise of the dangerous hubris of the urbanised, and semi-urbanised, Somalis?

Most of our people are instinctively isolationist when it comes to the abstract concept that is Somalia. The simple truth is that the Somali nation had been comfortably isolated from the outside world for centuries before the politically significant historical events which took place inside Somalia during the 20th century. The outside world has certainly agitated and disrupted the ancient rhythms of Somali life during the past 110 years. It is clear that a Euro-centric world order has cast an enormous shadow over the history of modern Somalia. America is now the focal point of the Euro-centric cultural stream that impacts so heavily upon the non-Western world. The Somali nation cannot afford to attract the hostility of the United States of America. This is yet another statement of fact. Much has been said, and written, about a perceived clash of civilisations during the past seven years. The Bush years have been turbulent and destructive for a number of small and impoverished nations. Somalia is such a nation. Therefore, as a nation, the Somalis must quickly settle their political differences in order to be able to bring an end to the suffering of our people. We must resist Ethiopian military aggression, but we must find a way, as a nation, that allows us to engage positively with the government of the United States of America, and the rest of the world. We must certainly fight for our freedom. We must certainly fight in order to preserve our monoculture and legal poly-centrism, but the Somali nation must not remain politically isolated on the world stage. We must rebuild our reputation and regain our national self-respect. After all, if ours is an ancient nation that has somehow lost the ability to respect a unique and God given national heritage, how can we hope to command the respect of the modern nations of this world?

Everything is related to the idea of respect. Our relationships with others, our personal conduct, and our destiny hinges on respect. This is the ultimate statement of fact. The Somali nation has struggled, for over a century, with the forces of a Euro-centric world that do not respect the the customs, heritage, and faith of the Somali people. How can there ever be peace in the Somali peninsula if this lack of respect, which manifests itself in the form of the numerous historical injustices perpetrated against the Somali people, is not properly addressed? All human actions are doomed to fail without that vital component of human respect. We, the Somali people, experience enough difficulty in trying to preserve our ancient way of life. However, we must find a way to resist the effects of the corrosive disrespect being directed against the legitimate interests of the Somali nation. The Euro-centric world order must learn to accept the fact that the Somali nation will not give up its cultural heritage, for their convenience, at any price. Only once this idea is accepted, and the Somali nation is genuinely respected in this world, shall we have peace on the Somali peninsula. However we, the Somali people, must regain our national self-respect before we win the respect of a world beyond our homeland. We must resoundingly condemn all criminal deeds perpetrated against the Somali nation. We must be able to condemn crimes like those of the men who publicly executed a child in the name of religion in the port city of Kismayu in the month of October, 2008.

Only a nation that has lost all national self-respect can tolerate the disgusting excesses of any group that abuses the civilian population. There should be no distinction made between abusers, a crime is a crime whoever commits it. How can the Somali nation win the respect of the world when Somali society sees nothing wrong with the conduct of armed men such as those who brutally executed a child in Kismayu recently? The Somali way of life is both ancient and successful. All Somalis must learn to respect this. In my view, the historical process of Somali urbanisation has resulted in the development of social conditions that permit the rise of extremism of all kinds. Somali cities are where one usually finds both the collaborators of the vicious Ethiopian invaders and the belligerent armed forces of political Islam. Often, in modern Somalia, political Islam serves as a convenient smokescreen for urban criminality. Both are products of the historically unregulated process of Somali urbanisation; both are supported by people with little self-respect; and both are examples of Godless Somali extremism. With this in mind, we must also realise that the most vile extremist is he who sees the Somali nation only through the clan prism. The lowest example of a Somali intellectual is he who peddles hate in the form of Somali clan chauvinism. This is the sickness that endangers the very existence of the Somali nation. Such people are as pathetic and ridiculous as a mother who hates her children; a father who hates his children; or children who hate their siblings. We must have the strength and the ability to recognise this dreadful cancer whenever we are confronted by it. Our nation must find the strength to resist these dark forces. For we Somalis are now saddled with the ignominy of being a dysfunctional society. We must commit ourselves, and live by the knowledge that if any Somali clan suffers injury then we, the entire Somali nation, are all injured. This is vital. Few things in this world are more destructive than hate, and extremists are people who have hatred in their hearts.

Clearly, people who are prepared to kill their compatriots are people who loathe their own kind. This is a manifestation of a psychological distemper, and to loathe one's self is truly the worst of all possible psychological conditions. The various extremist groups of Somalia seem to be seeking salvation in the example of non-Somali philosophies. Few, if any, of these groups realise that genuine faith and fidelity to the ancient Somali way of life is their only true salvation. Some may look to the East and others may look to the West, but in the end they shall be forced to confront the fact that the solution to our national problem is purely internal, a solution from within, and it must be a solution based on a foundation of respect. It must be said that the modern Arab states are, for me at any rate, creations of a Euro-centric world order. They cannot represent a political model for the Somali nation. These states are client states of the West in any case. There is no legitimacy to be gained by appropriating the symbols of another nation in order to win influence amongst the people of Somalia.

The ancient ways of the Somali nation are the things that I care about the most. Somali traditions are too precious to throw away, especially if there is nothing of value to replace these traditions with. This is why I focus so much on the idea of respect for the cultural heritage of the Somali nation. The cultural heritage of the Somalis is the one thing that can truly unify the Somali people. We need to involve as many Somalis as possible in the process of preserving our cultural heritage. It does not matter which foreign culture influences our way of life, so long as we are sober enough to be able to control the process in the manner of a consciously unitary nation.

In order to move beyond our national problems effectively, we must, once more learn to genuinely love the complete splendour of the Somali nation. This means that we must return to the common ground that all Somali people had shared so harmoniously for centuries, before the destabilising and unjust impact of Euro-centric interventions had ever been experienced in the Horn of Africa. In order for the Somali nation to achieve genuine political stability, we must develop a uniquely Somali polity that is attentive to both the spiritual and temporal needs of the Somali people. This, for me, is the essence of the Obamaian Express. Perhaps many nations shall derive benefits from the possible changes being promised by this new American President. And, perhaps it is a worthwhile exercise to be a part of such a journey. Let us hope that we have witnessed an epoch changing moment.

Kritocracy

The political judgement of the ancient Somali nation has been sound, and successful, for over a thousand years. The organic development of the the polycentric legal system of the Somali nation—the Xeer Somali—has been the defining feature of Somali public life throughout the entire history of the Somali nation. The basic political structures of the Somali nation are as strong today as they have ever been. The judgement of the Somali people is as sound today as it has ever been. All that has changed is that today the Somali nation is being encouraged to abandon its unique culture and heritage for the benefit of nefarious non-Somali interest groups.The so-called Transition Federal Government of Somalia is, in essence, a non-Somali construct created for the purpose of furthering the interests of a consortium of anti-Somali powers. The TFG is an agent of foreign powers and it functions for the benefit of foreign nations at the expense of the Somali nation. Millions of Somali civilians have been displaced from their homes as a direct result of the barbaric actions of the TFG. Thousands of Somali civilians have lost their lives as a direct result of the treacherous actions of the TFG.In the last week of October 2008 we witnessed the ridiculous sight of the TFG—including the entire dysfunctional legislative body—being transplanted to the Kenyan city of Nairobi for a public dressing down at the hands of the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development. This event alone gives rise to some disturbing questions, including questions which shed light upon the legitimacy of the TFG, especially when the TFG of Somalia can be summoned by foreign powers at will. Surely the TFG has now formally relinquished all claims to political legitimacy. The very fact that the entire the TFG had left the national territory of the Somalia—for the pleasure of IGAD, the US, and the EU—is itself an absurdity, and surely represents a dereliction of duty, in addition to high treason, on the part of all members of the TFG.The only apparent result of the meetings in Nairobi seems to be the development of a situation where the TFG must now successfully fulfil the terms and conditions, defined by IGAD, in order for the realisation of an extension of the TFG mandate beyond October 2009. Whether or not the terms and conditions, as specified by IGAD, are fulfilled is now immaterial for the simple reason that the TFG is now visibly serving the interests of hostile foreign nations directly at the expense of the Somali people. The Somali people have suffered for decades as a direct result of foreign interventions in the internal affairs of the Somali nation.The excellent papers 'Better Off Stateless' by Peter T. Leeson, and 'Somalia After State Collapse' by Powell, Ford, and Nowrasteh eloquently demonstrate the wonderful ability of the Somali nation with respect to the specific art of making good policy judgements. With this in mind, there can be no greater insult directed at the Somali nation than the idea of the TFG requesting funding from foreign donors in order to destroy the wonderful heritage of Somali civic life. Surely an absentee government is preferable to the treacherous TFG in all of its guises.The Somali people must keep faith in their God given abilities. Foreign interventions have brought nothing but misery to the people of Somalia. Foreign interventions have repeatedly sought to destroy the ancient traditions of the Somali nation. The Somali people deserve better than the status of servile clients of a Euro-centric world order. Consequently, the real Alliance for the Re-liberation of Somalia must be respected in order to facilitate the survival of the ancient traditions of the Somali nation. There must be no deviation from a course that protects all of the customs, rights, heritage, and traditions of the Somali nation. There must be no distractions for—or divisions within—the real Alliance for the Re-liberation of Somalia. With the help of the Almighty, the re-liberation of Somalia shall be achieved. The ancient Somali nation deserves nothing less.

Mercenaries and the Enemies of Peace in Somalia

With all of the suffering being experienced by the people of Somalia—as a result of the ongoing civil war inside the east African country—one must never lose sight of the fact that the actions certain foreign institutions, inside Somali national territory, are the root causes of the conflict in Somalia. For many years, the creation of a malleable Somali government had clearly been a most desirable outcome from the perspective of the United States Department of State, and by association, the governments of Kenya, Ethiopia, and Uganda. Indeed, during recent years, and especially since the creation of the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia, as a result of the Nairobi process in 2004, we have witnessed a marked deterioration of the quality of life for the civilian population of Somalia.

The creation of the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia, in 2004, has proven to an unmitigated disaster from the perspective of the civilian population of Somalia. Acts of terrible violence have almost become a daily part of life for the civilian population of Somalia, and these acts of violence are a direct reaction to the presence of the much-hated Transitional Federal Government of Somalia on Somali soil. Can we really be surprised by the fact that the civilian population of Somalia resoundingly rejects a body, in the shape of the TFG, formed in neighbouring Kenya?

The president of the TFG, the quisling Cabdullahi Yusuf Axmed, has made every effort imaginable to facilitate the annexation of all Somali national territory by the neighbouring states of Kenya and Ethiopia. Why else does he persistently call for the arrival of more foreign troops to assist him in his nefarious plans? Clearly this man does not serve in the best interests of the Somali people. And is it any wonder that an increasingly youthful army of patriotic volunteers is resisting the ideas of president Cabdullahi Yusuf Axmed so vigorously?

The bitter experiences of the Iraqi civilian population, in recent times, provide enough evidence of the brutal methods being used by foreign troops. This particularly grim evidence is reason enough to support the idea that the occupying foreign troops are to be resisted at all costs by the Somali people. Reason should be allowed to prevail here. It is painfully obvious that the Somali civilians desire peace to prevail in their homeland, but, at the same time, it is quite obvious that the Somali people cannot abide by the idea that foreign troops are currently occupying their sacred homeland. For this reason, it is entirely reasonable that a long-suffering civilian population should wish for the demise of the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia.

The illegal nature of president Cabdullahi Yusuf Axmed’s request for foreign troops to be deployed inside Somali national territory, and his foolish request for foreign warships to patrol Somali national waters is nothing more than an invitation for the spread of neo-colonial rule in Africa. The civilian population of Somalia is quite right to reject the racist ideals of the tyrannical Ethiopian regime in Addis-Ababa. It appears that the failed policies of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, with respect to Somali national territory, must be reversed if peace is to return to Somalia.

The Somali people must recall with horror the brutal and inhuman behaviour of the United Nations peacekeeping troops deployed in Somalia, as a part of the ridiculously named 'Operation Deliverance' mission, during the early 1990s. The scandalous conduct of Canadian soldiers in particular, when an entire army regiment, the Canadian Airborne Regiment, was eventually disbanded in disgrace as a result of the sickening sexual abuse and murder of Somali civilians under Canadian protection at the time, must never be forgotten. The death of one Somali youth, called Shidane Arone, in particular became embamatic of the human rights abuses perpetrated by the foreign troops then active in Somalia. Indeed, so damaging were the revalations of the public inquiery into what became infamously known as the 'Somali Affair' in Canada that this particular inquiery was eventually cut short by the liberal Canadian government of the day. In addition to this particular example, the Somali people must never forget the behaviour of both Italian and Belgian troops in Somalia during the early 1990s. There exists evidence that Italian troops, stationed in Somalia then, engaged in the systematic raping of Somali women under Italian protection at the time. And the Belgian troops were actually photographed burning Somali civilians, under Belgian protection, on open fires like pieces of butchered meat. These horrendous events are clearly examples of the degree of contempt with which Somali civilian life is held by the various foreign troops who are called to intervene in the internal affairs of the Somali nation.

The Somali people must never underestimate the bestial nature of mercenaries and foreign troops, and every effort must be made in order to prevent the foolish president of the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia from realising his disgraceful aim of hosting foreign troops on Somali soil for an indefinite period of time.

The Quisling President of Somalia and The Dark Final Solution of the Somali Problem

Upon hearing a rumour that the quisling president of the TFG—Cabdullahi Yusuf Axmed—is planning to resign from his current, and shameful, post in order to return to Puntland, where he plans to develop a breakaway fiefdom, I almost fell from my chair with laughter. This news has just reached me, and I must confess that for a moment I could not believe that Cabdullahi Yusuf Axmed, even with his long record of dishonourable public conduct, could champion the final dismemberment of the Somali national territory.

I very quickly came to my senses by realising that Cabdullahi Yusuf Axmed, the most cursed of all men on this earth, is a man without honour. This man does not respect the ancient cultural sensitivities of the Somali nation. Not a single drop of Somali patriotism flows through his veins, and for some unfathomable reason, he is able to justify any heinous act of betrayal, perpetrated against the Somali nation, with bewildering ease.

This is a man who is personally responsible for the deaths of thousands of Somali civilians during his long and bloody career as a Somali warlord. What is staggering about this particular personality is that Cabdullahi Yusuf Axmed actually believes that he, and by extension the Somali nation, shall somehow benefit from the decades of servile loyalty that he had once shown to his erstwhile Ethiopian masters.

At a time when many of us have recently been defending Somali national interests against a particularly loathsome concept—proposed by a Kenyan charlatan-cum-lawyer by the name of Donald Kipkorir—that calls for the dismemberment of the Somali national territory by brutal means at the hands of the Kenyan and Ethiopian armed forces, the president of the TFG has been selfishly fighting for his own political survival. He does not seem to be aware of what is really going on around him. Somalia is in mortal danger. A dangerous concept, like the political disappearance of the Somali nation can only be realised if a suitably malleable person—like the quisling Cabdullahi Yusuf Axmed—can be found in order to facilitate the central requirements of the final dismemberment of the Somali national territory for the benefit of hostile foreign powers.

As remarkable as it may seem, Cabdullahi Yusuf Axmed seems to think that he shall somehow benefit from the act of supporting the foreign policy goals of Somalia’s hostile neighbours, both in Kenya and in Ethiopia. This man actually believes that by working for the benefit of both the Kenyan and Ethiopian governments, whether directly or indirectly, he and the Somali nation shall somehow find benefit. As remarkable as it may sound, this is the mindset that permits a man to invite the troops of hostile nations into the land of his birth. Cabdullahi Yusuf Axmed cannot see that the final dismemberment of the Somali national territory is the only plausible outcome of his foolish actions. The quisling president of the TFG of Somalia cannot understand that the final dismemberment, and annexation of the Somali national territory by the Kenyan and Ethiopian governments is the end that he is unwittingly and slavishly working towards.

It is quite clear—from the tacit support being given to both the Kenyan and Ethiopian governments by the U.S. department of state—that the legitimate national interest of the Somali people are being trampled upon for nothing more than the fantastical claim that the Somali national territory has become a haven for terrorism. The fact of the matter is that the final dismemberment, and annexation, of the Somali national territory is intended to legitimise all the annexations of Somali national territory during the past 110 years by the criminal pseudo-states that happen to be the immediate neighbours of the Somali nation. In these dangerous times for the Somali nation, the ordinary people must be made to realise just how grave the situation really is. And, with God’s help, may the people of Somalia resist the criminal designs of the dark agents within their midst's.

Cabdullahi Yusuf Axmed is playing a dangerous game, and he is happy to be gambling with the future of the Somali nation. The Somali people deserve far better than this particularly ugly form of political manipulation. The Somali people deserve leadership that can actually serve in the interest of the Somali nation, not the sort on offer by people like the illegitimate president of the TFG—Cabdullahi Yusuf Axmed—who works exclusively for the benefit of foreign powers that are manifestly hostile to the legitimate interests of the Somali nation.

The dismemberment of Somalia

My response to the article by Donald Kipkorir, in the Daily Nation of Kenya, called ‘Why Kenya and Ethiopia ought to annex and divide Somalia’. This article was published on Friday 3rd of October 2008.

This particular article can be found by following the link:

http://www.nation.co.ke/oped/Opinion/-/440808/476952/-/3lvt45/-/index.html

The ancient common law of the Somali people, despite its polycentric nature, has governed and regulated an ancient way of life on the Somali peninsula for well over a thousand years. In addition to the unique and ancient customs of the Somali people, one must remember the Shari’a Islam, a sophisticated and robust form of jurisprudence practiced all over the Somali peninsula.

The very idea of Kenyan strategic interest is based upon the assumption that the state of Kenya enjoys a degree of political and economic independence from the west. This is an erroneous assumption. It is quite clear, even to the most casual of observer, that the Kenya as an entity is a client state of the west. Therefore, the state of Kenya cannot be said to have definably strategic national interests that are, in any way, independent of western interests. This being the case, the dismemberment and annexation of Somalia can only be affected with the support and backing of the western powers.

Donald Kipkorir may choose to label certain Somali personalities as pirates, but it must be realised that the men in question call themselves the coastal guardians of Somalia. When considering the fact that Somalia has the longest coastline of all African nations, it is entirely reasonable that such a resource is guarded by a section of the Somali community. The practices, and exploits of the men who guard the national coast of Somalia are entirely legitimate, because the waters that these men protect are universally considered to be Somali national waters.

There has never been so much as a single shred of evidence, presented anywhere in the world, to prove that the Somali national territory has ever been a haven for terrorists of any description. The idea that Somalia is a haven of terrorism is baseless in the extreme. Furthermore, the tenuous nature of the perceived links between terrorism and people of who follow one religion in particular does not help anyone. On the other hand, the state of Kenya, due to the fact that the horrific events of 1998 happened in Nairobi, must be considered the classic example of a haven for terrorists. Surely a haven for terrorism is a place where terrorists are able to conduct their evil deeds without fear of detection or interception. Kenya has been such a place in the past, what is to say that Kenya is not such a place in the present?

The state of Kenya does not represent an existential threat to any nation. And, the state of Kenya certainly does not represent an existential threat to any of the Arab nations. In addition to this, one must be mindful of the fact that Somalia is not an Arab nation by definition. Donald Kipkorir, in surely a cheap and deliberate attempt to confuse, betrays his ignorance on more than one occasion in his article.

The annexation of Somali national territory has been attempted in the past, by various invading armies, and on numerous occasions with little success. Land is the most sacred of material possessions for an agro-pastoral society like that of the Somali nation. Any attempt, by a foreign army, to interfere with the Somali way of life shall be resisted violently. This is the message that history teaches us, and Donald Kipkorir would do well to heed this message.

Somalia exists so long as there are Somali people living on the earth. The legal-rational construct that is known as the state of Kenya is manifestly feeble, and potentially transient, when rigorously tested by adversity, as was made abundantly clear after the Kenyan elections of December 2007.

The idea of dismembering Somalia is surely an involuntary admission, on the part of Donald Kipkorir, that Somalia exists as a nation. It may not resemble the façade that is the state of Kenya, but the Somali nation exists and must be respected, especially by neighbouring countries. No amount of legal-rationalism can hide the fact that Donald Kipkorir, and those who have similar ideas, when they speak about the dismemberment of Somalia, are contemplating a crime.

Throughout history, the Somali people have consistently rejected the concept of the legal-rational state, as exemplified by the annexation of Texas in 1845, a case cited by Donald Kipkorir in his article. The western model of the legal-rational state is alien to the Somali people, and to all African people for that matter. The western model of the legal-rational state is the same model that gave the world Slavery, Apartheid, The Berlin Wall, and the global financial meltdown of September 2008. Donald Kipkorir should take a good look at himself, and perhaps he should ask himself in which direction the true, and strategic, national interest of the state of Kenya are to be found.

The death of a distinguished gentleman in Somalia

On the ninth day of July 2008, a few hours after the tragic event, I learned of the death of a friend. The victim had been a prominent businessman called Cali Jama Bixi in the Somali city of Galkacyo. I first came to know him when he lived in Mogadishu, many years ago. This man had been universally respected throughout Somalia. On this day, he was assassinated—shot to death by unidentified gunmen—early in the morning, as he went about his business. This was another high profile killing in the Mudug region of Somalia. There have been many horrible episodes, like this one, in the northern cities of Somalia during 2008.

Some people say that this campaign of assassination is a direct result of the policies of the current Somali president, Cabdullahi Yusuf Axmed, a kinsman of all the recent victims in the state of Puntland, and a man who hails from the Mudug region. This campaign of murder is shocking to all members of Somali society. Never before, in the history of the Somali people, have the tactics of killerism been employed on the Somali peninsula. The deliberate targeting of ordinary civilians, for this type of violent attack, are being directed against president Cabdullahi Yusuf Axmed's own family. The numerous murders that have been committed, by the unknown gunmen, are being carried out with chilling efficiency, and it is very probable that we shall continue to hear about such cases, so long as the president of the TFG of the Somali republic pursues policies that harm the people of the Somali peninsula.

People are genuinely scared. It is quite clear that ordinary Somalis feel confused. The ordinary people do not know when this particular nightmare will end. The fact of the matter is that people are suffering for no apparent reason. All of the recent and mysterious deaths in the Mudug region of Somalia could have been avoided. This is a most disturbing realisation. Especially when one thinks about how unnecessary the Somali president’s policies are, and knowing that all of the recent murders in the Mudug region of Somalia could have been politically motivated.

A few months have passed since the death of Cali Jama Bixi. Countless others have died in Somalia since the day, in July, when Cali Jama Bixi died so tragically. This terrible waste of life is taking its toll on the Somali people. The president of the TFG of the Somali republic must take responsibility for his actions. It is quite clear to see that his policies lack any definable purpose with respect to the basic national interests of the Somali people. The fundamental national interest of any nation is peace and the preservation of human life. The president of the TFG of the Somali republic has, by any reasonable standard, failed to satisfy the basic national interests of the Somali people. In addition to this, his policies have stimulated some members of the Somali community to take matters into their own hands by resorting to the use of murder as a political tool.

The president of the TFG of the Somali republic has failed the people of the Somali peninsula. One would hope that, as a man, he responds by abandoning his misguided policies. One would hope that the president of the TFG has enough sense to realise the folly of his disastrous tenure in office. And, one would hope, for the sake of all decent Somali people, that the president of the TFG of the Somali republic decides to hastily exit national politics. It is imperative that the true price of political failure is paid in full by those responsible for the failure in question.