Somalia and the Question of Foreign Fighters

On this morning, I learned of the fact that the Ethiopian armed forces have been re-deployed in central Somalia. By all accounts, the Ethiopian army has taken the Kala-Beyr Junction, a strategic location in the Hiiraan province of Somalia. This news does not come as surprise to me, for I know that the so-called President Shariif—and his shameful phantom government—are prepared to do anything in order to remain inside Villa Somalia.

Having been comprehensively beaten, in military terms, during the past week of fighting inside Mogadishu, the fatally discredited TFG shamelessly depends upon foreign troops—including the brutally racist soldiers of the Ethiopian federation—for its very survival. With this in mind, I would like to examine the claim that foreign fighters can be found amongst the ranks of the armed opposition inside Somalia.

There are varying estimates, with respect to the actual number of foreign fighters who are actively engaged in the battles against the perfidious TFG forces inside Somalia. Conservative estimates put the number at approximately 200 men, and extreme estimates seem to suggest that there are 350 foreign fighters currently fighting in support of the Al Shabab group and their allies. I am prepared to accept the notion that these numbers are entirely plausible. One cannot deny that it is quite possible for foreign fighters to find their way to Somalia in order to do battle against the forces of neo-colonial oppression.

What I find truly remarkable is the brazen hypocrisy of the Western world with respect to the concept of foreign fighter. Let us begin with the example of the British army, with respect to its use of foreign fighters. During the illustrious history of the British army, one is able to identify many instances of the British employing foreign fighters in order to satisfy their military objectives. One can speak of the King’s African Rifles, during the time of the British Empire, and say many a dark skinned individual has carried arms in the service of the British Crown. Even in the present day, it is quite obvious that the British army cannot do without the Ghurka soldiers who famously come from the mountainous country of Nepal.

Let us now discuss the habits of the modern American military hierarchy, with respect to the use of foreign fighters in the furtherance of American national interests. One only has to look at the thousands of mercenaries—currently serving in Iraq and Afghanistan—who hail from far flung places such as Croatia, Sierra Leone, El Salvador, South Africa, Poland, Guatemala, and The Philippines just to name a few. Indeed, by definition an empire is an entity capable of drawing its fighters from the many nations under both its political and military influence.

Now let us return to the question of foreign fighters currently operating inside Somalia. When one puts aside the unreasonable—and frankly ridiculous assertions of the US Department of State, the UNPOS, and the AU—it is easy to see that the vast majority of the foreign fighters currently inside Somalia are there as a result of a neo-colonial scheme designed to deprive the Somali nation of its God given right to national self-determination. I state, for the benefit of all Somali people, that the foreign fighters who are most unwelcome inside Somalia are the 4300 AMISOM soldiers who currently protect the illegitimate and monstrous TFG of the so-called President Shariif.

The only foreign fighters—to my knowledge—causing the Somali nation a great deal for suffering are the thousands of Ethiopian soldiers who periodically make incursions into the Somali national territory. Such military incursions are not only illegitimate but they are brazen acts of state sponsored terrorism on the part of the so-called great powers of this world. The so-called President Shariif manifestly serves the nefarious interests of the so-called International Community—a conspiratorial fringe group in this world which is led by an Anglo-Saxon elite—and, in doing so, he seeks to eliminate the political freedom of the Somali nation.

Finally, let us say that there really are 500 foreign fighters amongst the ranks of the Somali Mujahidin who oppose the shameless puppet President, currently hiding inside the AMISOM tanks of Villa Somalia. Let us assume that these men have been accepted as brothers by the men who spent much of the past two years fighting the Ethiopian army inside Somalia. Let us assume that, as honoured guests, these men have come to understand the political motives of the armed opposition inside Somalia. Can any person, with a modicum of intelligence, describe such men as anything other than noble and constant friends of the Somali nation?

On the other hand, let it be remembered that the so-called President of the Somali TFG—Shariif Axmed—was enjoying the comforts of a Djiboutian hotel whilst the true defenders of Mogadishu were engaged in daily battles against the Ethiopian invaders during the past 2 years. The TFG of Somalia—a shameless entity with a rotten membership composed of former warlords—cannot be a credible judge of character, and the assertions of the TFG which state that foreign fighters are somehow bad people is indeed laughable.

I urge the so-called President of the TFG, and all members of the disgraceful transitional federal parliament to resign their posts immediately. These people have brought the name of the Somali nation into disrepute, and they must be made to pay for their crimes. With the help of the Almighty, we shall overcome this awful stain upon our good name. Somalia is worth far more than what the so-called band of donor nations, of the International Community, is offering the TFG of Somalia for their treachery.

President Sharif's Dream

Deep inside the various protective layers of Villa Somalia, late dictator's palace, President Sharif is fast asleep. He is enveloped by the sweetest of dreams. In this particularly ephemeral state, the moderately famous Somali leader dreams about the trappings of political power. He finds himself lord and master of Mogadishu, and much more besides. He sees a vision of himself as a man surrounded by wise counsellors, and fawning foreign diplomats. President Sharif finds himself leading a prosperous, if troubled, nation.

The UN World Food Program is, at that moment in time, urging him to authorise the expansion of their mission towards the town of Luuq, in the West of what remains of the territorial Somali Republic. For some strange reason, President Sharif, who has just been re-elected for the second time, does not wish to rely on foreign aid any longer. He imagines that he has had quite enough experience of foreign manipulation. Despite the fact that a ferocious offshoot of the Al-Shabaab militia, known locally as the Jiritaan Brigade, controls the town of Luuq, and most of the Ogaden region, President Sharif often supports foreign request such as this.

The President shuffles around his emperor-size bed, as he slumbers, dreaming about the challenges that face his tenure as President. He sees himself as the saviour of the Somali nation; a man with the common touch. He dreams of donkeys carrying sand for the construction of the giant concrete wall that is to partition the Banadir District, bisecting the once beautiful Somali capital city of Mogadishu. The Somali President fears for the future of the poor unfortunates, according to his omniscient mind, who live under the rule of the Sharica Islaam, inside Somalia, and on the other side of the great wall that now divides Mogadishu. He dreams about the curious Black Flag, beloved of his erstwhile Islamist friends, and he writhes in disgust.

According to President Sharif, a true Islamist is moderate both in appearance and policy. President Sharif hopes to emulate the late President Asif Ali Zardari of Pakistan, before the rise of imperial self-doubt, and the deplorable carpet bombing campaign of Islamabad. He also dreams of invading the Islamic Republic of Iran on behalf of Megan Daud, and her security forces. He mouths the words, “Nothing ventured, nothing gained”, as he slumbers. President Sharif is a political survivor whilst he dreams. His survival has always been derived from his unscrupulous tendency to be a political opportunist. After all, this is the man who sold parcels of the Somali national territory to the enemies of Somalia.

All potential assassins are rendered immobile during his expansively perverse dream. He was never a man that can be roused out of his bed by the sound of a Kalashnikov rifle spitting out anonymous reports in the distance, which has often been the definition of consciousness during a typically dangerous night in Mogadishu. Whilst he has lived inside the comfortable surroundings of Villa Somalia, President Sharif has always felt secure. The President, being an intelligent man, has always been mindful of the fact that the Ugandan troops, deployed to protect him, are good at their job. Despite their visible impatience to return to Kampala. The Ugandan troops are hated by the ordinary members of Somali society, and after many years of protecting President Sharif, the AMISOM soldiers long to return to their home countries.

Yet, on some level, President Sharif feels, during this sumptuous dream, uneasy about his record as the political leader of the Somali people. Try as he might, President Sharif shall never be held in high esteem by the great Somali people; a people who have known, and loved, the memory of the great Sayyid. Words can never soothe the distress caused by the fact that President Sharif, as look at himself in the mirror, recognises the image before him, each morning, as a political failure!

During his pleasurable dream as a legitimate world leader, distressing thoughts begin to inspire President Sharif, for the first time during his long career, to see sense. He finally decides, during this magical dream, to rebel against the wishes of the International Community. This is a brave move, especially when remembers the fact that the International Community had once, long ago, directly installed President Sharif as the imperially designated leader of the Somali nation. Despite the sweet nature of the dream. Despite the opulent surroundings of the recently re-built Villa Somalia, something deep inside President Sharif's mind compels him to serve the best interests of the Somali people, before it is too late. Before the vehicle of mortal consequences fails him, and long before the judgement of his immortal soul, President Sharif dreams of saving Somalia on behalf of his poor compatriots.

President Sharif, not before too long, has come to recognise the fact that the Somali nation is much more than a finely cropped beard, or an immaculately long beard, whether dyed orange or not, for that matter. President Sharif, in his wondrous dream, imagines negotiating a truce with the famous Somali Privateers of Eyl and beyond. President Sharif imagines that, with the help of the mercurial Seamen of the North, he can defeat the violently passionate forces of Jiritaan: The moderate President of Somalia, as he dreams, genuinely believes that he can influence the fate of the ancient Somali nation.

The President of Somalia, Sharif Ahmed, awoke in a cold sweat at 0545 hours on Friday 8th of May 2009. He was relieved to have woken from a bittersweet dream. He recognised his immediate surroundings as the broken shell of President M.S. Barre's once-elegant palace, Villa Somalia. However, it really felt like the process of cognition for President Sharif, so vivid was the dream of a Somali future where young men are prepared to kill for the concept of Somali national honour!

The True Nature of Somali Society and the Corrupting Influence of the Modern Urban Environment

There can be no doubt that we live in a dangerous world. There is much to concern us about modern life, at the best of times, not least of which is the idea that our lives are profoundly influenced—more often than not—by mass-media inspired ideals. Modern human life has become so complex, in some parts of the world, that the general health of some people is greatly influenced by the enormous demands of the modern urban environment. It is often said that most of the people on the planet Earth shall, very soon, be living in a metropolitan environment. If, as I suspect, this is indeed the case, can we—as apparently rational beings—live comfortably with such a disturbing idea?

To my mind, a great deal of the modern urbanised lifestyle is completely illusory. The great cities of the world can only exist if there is a supply of crude oil available to the human race. Indeed, we would never be able to feed the human race adequately, now that the human population is greater than 6 billion individuals, if it were not for the great availability of Phosphates, Nitrates, and Pesticides derived from the crude oil of this world. This is a remarkable fact in itself, but we must remember the fact that nothing about the human condition has prepared us for a life lived within the limits of the urban environment.

Neither the psychological nor biological needs of the human condition are ever adequately satisfied when people find themselves living within the typically restrictive modern urban environment. No matter where one travels to in this world, the situation, inside a city, is often the same. One typically finds an environment where too many people are chasing too few jobs. In relative terms, some people are certainly better off than others, yet no single individual can ever claim to be genuinely free from the basic demands of modern city life. When one thinks about the demands of the modern urban lifestyle, for a short while, one is bound to confront the uncomfortable truth that urban environment is a genuinely dangerous place.

The modern urban environment is dangerous because it is built upon a foundation of inequity. In order for a city to thrive, by definition, the people of that city must be divided into a society of advantaged people and disadvantaged people. Social differentiation is the universal hallmark of modern urban living. The modern urban environment is, quite simply, and rather tragically, a kudos driven social phenomenon. For most individuals, living in the modern urban environment, the implicit concept of gaining kudos within society—by succeeding inside a city—has become all important. The concept of kudos is certainly very important in the great cities of the Western world, where fame and celebrity have developed into powerful social forces in their own right.

The modern urban experience seems to have become the central pillar of human civilisation during the past 100 years. We, as the human race, no longer value nature the way it ought to be valued. We seem to have forgotten that nature—in all of its glory—is the very safety net that subsidises the modern urban experience that we all find so familiar today. We pay scant attention to the fact that currently the human race, and our poisonous obsession with mindless consumerism, is directly causing the extinction of no less than 500 discrete species of flora and fauna each week. What can inspire such irresponsible practices? And how have we, the human race, apparently failed to learn from all of the accumulated wisdom of the ages?

It is my suspicion that a warped sense of urban idealism has greatly influenced the apparent moral decline we now see in all centres of modern urban life. The phenomenon of misplaced aspirations is very common amongst the legions of deprived youths who inhabit the great cities of today. Such young people aspire to have fast money, and all of the associated trappings of the ephemeral currents of modern consumerism. Urban crime, in many instances, is not only tolerated, but it is positively glorified—by certain sub-sections within the urban community—if the phenomenon can directly provide the urban youth with all that they desire. The concept of fast and easy money represents the death of social cohesion in the urban context. It can come as no surprise that the city is home to both the billionaire financial swindler and the impoverished common purse snatcher. Therefore, the modern city has certainly become both a place of fear and a breeding ground for social unrest.

In recent times, man has begun to champion the environment, and I am certainly glad that some of us are unable to accept the idea that the earth can be treated with disrespect for infinitely long period of time. Clearly, this is not the case, and the destruction of the natural safety net of life—the environment in which we find ourselves—must be treated with respect. However—as obvious as this may seem to most of us—the idea of treating the earth with respect is far from the minds of some. In some corners of the world, the concept of commercial profit has transformed otherwise normal human beings into beasts of profit. And, in the pursuit of pure profits, such people will stop at nothing. This obsession is the prime motive for all human economic speculation. Profit is the motive behind the construction of all steel and concrete monstrosities found inside the urban environment. Profit is the motive behind the poisoned soils of the landfill sites of northern Europe. Profit is at the root of all urban corruption, and white collar crimes. The lustful and destructive pursuit of profit is so powerful that it enables, with consummate ease, any flawed logic to triumph over the truth.

In light of the inherent dangers of the so-called developed—and modern—urban environment, what could be more ridiculous than the idea of remaking Somalia in the image of the densely populated urban world? In an age where both humans and dangerous viral pathogens can spread easily within the confines of the urban environment, can it be wise to introduce both foreign troops and foreign ideals to the Somali national territory? The folly of some—like the apparently mindless insistence of President Sharif Ahmed to maintain foreign soldiers, in Mogadishu, in order to serve the interests of a sedentary world that has no respect for the ancient customs and the rich heritage of the Somali people—cannot be permitted to overwhelm all that is good about the uniquely pure Somali culture. There must come a time when genuine political leadership is provided for the benefit of the Somali people. Honest and sober leadership in Somalia, by definition, is conservative in nature. This has been the case throughout the entire history of the Somali people, and I am quite confident that this shall prove to be the case in the future. Somali national politics must develop into a viable concern before it is too late. The likes of President Sharif Ahmed, and the bankrupt transitional federal government of Somalia cannot be considered a viable alternative to the corrupting influences of the modern—and globalised—urban environment.

The Pirates of Somalia

Long after most people forget about the tragic final voyage of the Tanit—a small yacht that had been sailed by a young French captain—I shall remember the fact that a young child has become an orphan, and his mother has become a widow, as a result of the violent confrontation between a small band of Somali pirates and members of an elite French Special Forces unit. Three men had lost their lives in the exchange of machine gun fire on the apparently cramped deck of the small yacht.

Florent Lemaçon, the captain of the Tanit, and two members of the pirate gang had lost their lives as a consequence of a military operation that was over less than six minutes after it had begun. Fear and confusion must have reined supreme, during those fatal six minutes, as the French military stormed the yacht. Death now stalks the luminous waters of the Indian Ocean. The curious phenomenon of Somali based piracy is certainly well established at the present time, and, it would seem everyone is familiar with the rules of the game now.

The stakes are high, and there seems to be reluctance—on the part of the pirates themselves—to put an end to this dangerous, albeit lucrative industry. A few days after the tragic death of Mr. Lemaçon, the world learned of the dramatic freeing of Richard Phillips, the captain of the Mearsk Alabama, a vessel that had been attacked by the pirates in international waters five days previously. Mr. Phillips, no doubt, owes his life to the professionalism and sharp shooting of the United States Navy—and especially to the men of the elite Navy Sea, Air, and Land Forces.

In reality, the pirates who had been holding Mr. Phillips had very little chance of achieving their stated aims with respect to winning a ransom payment for the release of their hostage. Having been taken captive, after a failed attempt to hijack his American flagged vessel, Mr. Phillips had spent five days and four nights drifting gently at sea on one of the Mearsk Alabama’s lifeboats. Mr. Phillips had demonstrated considerable bravery in volunteering to go with the pirates on condition that they leave his crew unharmed. Yet despite the well-known tranquillity of the Indian Ocean, it is easy to imagine the anguish that had been felt by Mr. Phillips during his time in captivity on that lifeboat.

It is not difficult to imagine the fear and dread being felt by his loved ones in America, as his life was in the balance on what seems like an empty sea. It is obvious now, with the benefit of hindsight, that this particular group of pirates were doomed from the very beginning. These men must have known—as they desperately attempted to reach the Somali coast—that there was, in reality, little chance of them escaping death, or lengthy imprisonment, as a result of their actions. Fate had not been kind to this group of pirates when they had failed to hijack the Mearsk Alabama. With the benefit of hindsight, it is quite obvious that the United States Navy is a truly formidable adversary for any group of armed thugs, not least a small band of young and desperate Somali pirates.

The greatest strength—and the most potent bargaining device—available to the Pirates of Somalia is their ability to take an entire ship, and its crew, and hold such an asset until they are paid a ransom for the release of such maritime capital. Any deviation from this pirate modus operandi greatly increases the risks for both the pirates and their hostages. The risk associated with death as a result of pirate raids, and the risk associated with military confrontations at sea, are well understood by the Pirates of Somalia. The fact of the matter is that there are plenty of young men willing to strike it rich by becoming maritime bandits. Furthermore, the family of the fallen are always looked after by their kinsmen. This phenomenon can best be described as traditional Somali social security with a maritime twist.

It must be remembered that the majority of the Pirates of Somalia are former fishermen. These men have been forced to give up their former means of production as a result of often violent, and wholly illegal, encroachment on Somali fishing grounds by foreign fishing vessels. Hundreds of mainly European fishing vessels are in the process of looting Somali territorial waters, and the Somalis have limited options with respect to protecting their legitimate fishing rights. It is little wonder that many Somali men turn to the business of holding foreign ships for ransom. This activity has become the only viable means of production left for the men who live in many of the coastal settlements of Somalia.

Piracy has become big business in North-eastern Somalia, and this situation is not likely to alter significantly in the foreseeable future. Yet there is more to Somalia than the organised crime of industrial piracy on the high seas. There is more to the Somali nation then mere banditry. It is precisely this reason why the Somali people deserve better than the periodic repeat of military scenarios inside the Somali national territory where the highly trained—and well resourced—Special Forces of advanced nation states attack and kill the best of Somali youth. It is the responsibility of all Somali people to mend the broken political structures that have brought us to this regrettable situation at the present time.

So long as there exists a political vacuum inside Somalia, the Pirates of Somalia shall continue to go about there business undisturbed. Indeed, the so-called transitional federal government of the Somali Republic—an entity that is recognised by the United Nations—actually empowers the Pirates of Somalia, by its very nature. It is no secret that the current President of Somalia, and entire council of ministers, are perceived as a bunch of venal money-grabbers by a majority of the Somali people. By contrast, the Pirates of Somalia are perceived—by and large—as honourable maritime entrepreneurs, and captains of Somali industry.

It is quite clear to me that Somali society must find a new group of political leaders. The Somali nation desperately needs leaders that are able to confront both the Pirates of Somalia and the scourge of illegal foreign fishing inside Somali territorial waters. Only with the rise of responsible national leadership is the phenomenon of Somali based piracy adequately countered. The tragic death of Mr. Lemaçon, and the utterly senseless deaths of several young Somali men should, in ideal circumstances, be the last we ever hear of in relation to the work of pirates. However, I fear that the future—in all likelihood—is one filled with ever more daring examples of Somali piracy on the open seas.

Kenya and the Annexation of Somali Territorial Waters

Quite often, in Somalia, certain individuals execute the most ridiculous of paralegal manoeuvres, and, whilst doing so, they foolishly claim to be acting on behalf of the united Somali nation. In this particular instance, I am referring to the shadowy memorandum of understanding, jointly signed by a representative of the Kenyan government, called Moses Wetangula, and Cabdiraxmaan Cabdishakuur Warsame, a minister of the current Somali TFG. It is quite clear that the document in question has also been endorsed by Cumar Cabdirashiid Cali Sharmake, the so-called Prime Minister of the Somali TFG.

This development is nothing short of disgraceful, and the Somali individuals responsible for this should be punished for this crime against the people of the Somali nation. It should be remembered—at this time—that the TFG of Somalia was created in Kenya itself, by a process of strategic elimination, for purposes other than the honourable service of the Somali civilian population. Therefore, can there be anyone who is genuinely surprised by the fact that the new TFG of Somalia is secretly ceding a portion of the Somali oceanic continental shelf to the Kenyan state? Ironically, during his last few months as President of the Somali TFG, Cabdullahi Yusuf Axmed is said to have refused a Kenyan government request for him to sign the very same memorandum of understanding.

For all of his lamentable failings, it seems that the old warhorse had some concept of national interest after all. In stark contrast to his successors, it must be stated that Cabdullahi Yusuf Axmed had refused—in no uncertain terms—to cede any portion of the Somali national territory to the Kenyan government. His punishment—for having dared to thwart Kenyan ambitions—was a momentary suspension of his travel privileges as the President of Somalia. The question must be asked, why does the TFG of Somalia exist if it brazenly serves the interests of the Kenyan state with little regard for legitimate Somali national interests?

In my opinion, the Somali people can do well without the shameless actions of certain, so-called, Somali politicians. How can any honourable Somali respect a man—whilst simultaneously claiming to be a minister of the Somali government just happens sell portions the precious Somali national territory to manifestly hostile entities—who prostitutes himself, his recognised office, and the good name of his nation? In my opinion, this ghastly event—which certainly represents a stain upon the dignity of the Somali people—shall precipitate actions in the future which, in all probability, will lead to the complete downfall of this so-called unity government of Somalia.

The new TFG of Somalia—it seems to me—is an infinitely worse monster than its predecessor. This illegitimate and bloated monstrosity cannot be permitted to speak in the name of the noble Somali nation. It is plainly evident, from observing the behaviour of the various ministers of the current Somali TFG entity, and not least the cretin Cabdiraxman Cabdishakuur Warsame, that these people do not seek to serve the honourable and ancient Somali nation. These people are nothing more that charlatans, and unprincipled political opportunists. I urge every sentient Somali man and woman to reject the vain and preposterous proclamations, of these vile people, who have managed to transform Villa Somalia into a nest of thieves in recent years.

For if we tolerate such a blatant abuse of the Somali national territory, at the present time, future generations shall never forgive us. The Somali national territory—including the expansive territorial waters of the Somali nation—represents the basic foundation of the Somali cultural identity. Without the Somali national territory, there can be no custom, clan, or national economy. There can be neither native history, nor future opportunities for the people of Somalia. If it is the wish of the Kenyan authorities to increase the scope of their economic opportunities at the expense of the Somali nation, one can only conclude that it is indeed a sad day. For wars are fought precisely over such matters. I urge the Kenyan authorities to rethink the contents of the unfortunate memorandum of understanding in question. I am certain that the Kenyan elite—being a people of the book—can remember the words “Honour thy neighbour!”

The Not-So-Good Ship Globalisation

It seems that there is a hole—somewhere in the hull of the not-so-good ship Globalisation—and we are all being threatened by a deluge, in the form of the toxic assets currently inundating the global economy. It seems to me that both the great and small economies of the world need to correct themselves, at this moment in time, by returning to economic practices that actually work. Surely, at this point in time, and eighteen months into the global financial crisis, most people have become aware of the fact that the so-called banking ''bail-outs'' do not actually work. Why else do the relevant authorities keep returning to this flawed policy?

No less than 14 financial institutions have failed, in the United States, during 2009 already, and it is probable that we shall hear of many more failures during the months to come. For some strange reason, the policy makers responsible for regulating the great economies of the world refuse to take the measures necessary for remedying the financial mess that we currently find ourselves in. Instead of allowing the so-called ''bad financial institutions'' to fail outright, the policy makers have unanimously decided to prolong this agony by lending financial assistance to severely compromised financial institutions.

Such policies, almost certainly, do not solve the basic problems that we currently face. Without doubt, the so-called toxic assets held by these financial institutions can never be adequately rehabilitated. It is simply illogical to think otherwise. Therefore, the only viable solution, to the enormous problems at hand, is to write off these crippling losses and to rebuild the global financial system on a sounder platform. For too many years, both individuals and corporations have been living beyond their means. The lifestyle, of the average Western individual has been subsidised by access to cheap credit, and the illusion of cheap goods and services.

Most of us are now being confronted by the fact that the world of finance shall never return to the illusory boom of the past 15 years. We are currently facing the kind of economic upheaval that shaped the world during the early part of the 20th century. Ironically, there is a degree of economic protectionism, by stealth, creeping into the Western corridors of power. This—in my opinion—shall lead to the reversal of the process of Globalisation if this economic protectionism is not curbed. Local subsidies shall, in my opinion, lead to the devastation of the Globalised economy as we have come to know it. We have already seen the picket lines being drawn, in Northern Europe, for the protection of the economic rights of native workers and in response to apparently cheaper imported foreign workers.

This behaviour, if repeated by all the nations of the world, clearly heralds the demise of the concept of free trade. Economic barriers are currently going up all over the world, and whether we like it or not. It is clear to me that any form of government ''bail-out'', for any branch of any particular domestic industry, is a clear form of economic protectionism. Such a ''bail-out'' will, quite inevitably, lead to retaliatory actions by the governments of rival transnational industries. This is a rather dangerous economic arms race, and it is best avoided. The potential consequences of such actions are very bad indeed. History teaches to avoid 'beggar-thy-neighbour' protectionist policies if we wish to avoid the spectre of armed conflict between neighbouring states.

In conclusion, it seems to me that the best option, for all concerned, is to rediscover the concept of economic emancipation. For the smaller economies, in particular, it is important to find a comfortable niche. By this I mean that it is foolish for a small economy to become overly dependent upon the economic fortunes of the so-called greater economies. In many ways, economic dependence is the death of a nation. The idea of economic emancipation is worth striving for, and at this moment in time, when the frailties of economic neo-liberalism are there for all to see, the concept of Globalisation—if it is to survive—must embrace the idea of economic emancipation for all in this world.

Somalia And The Corrupt 4.5 Formula

It is certainly the case that the Somali people urgently need an authority that adequately protects, and serves, the legitimate national interests of the Somali people. With this in mind, one must therefore reflect upon, what can best be described as, the acceptable nature of such an authority, should it become a reality. The TFG of Somalia surely aspires to be such an entity, however, it must first demonstrate that it is a legitimate aspirant. The TFG of Somalia must overcome all that is undoubtedly rotten within its political make-up; for it is well documented that the TFG of Somalia has been, in the past, an agent of foreign military occupation inside the Somali national territory.

Perhaps, at this moment in time, the newly constituted TFG of Somalia may choose to some honourable characteristics for the benefit of the people of Somalia. Perhaps, at this moment in time, the TFG of Somalia may learn to cast aside all that is base, including the ridiculous 4.5 formula of the TFG charter. The history of the TFG of Somalia is certainly shameful, and its nature is wholly dubious. However, it is still possible for this curious beast to reform its ways. It is possible for the TFG of Somalia to reverse the policies of the past, and to overcome all of the corrupt practices that had made it so weak in the past. The people of this political construct must look into this possibility urgently.

At this moment in time, Somalia is effectively stateless. The purpose of any state is to provide material benefits to the people living under its authority. The state, in order to exist as an independent entity, amongst other things, must possess the ability to enforce its right to security. Any entity that calls itself a government must demonstrate this ability before it can be considered as a legitimate entity. The monstrous TFG of Somalia cannot demonstrate, in any way, that it is the legitimate government of Somalia. Furthermore, the so-called Transitional Federal Charter is an abomination that is wholly inspired by non-Somali actors. The TFG of Somalia, as a concept, represents an affront to Somali culture, and it must never be respected by the people of Somalia.

The TFG of Somalia is a tool, manipulated by the shadowy enemies of the Somali people, for the social fragmentation of the Somali nation along clan lines. The diabolical Transitional Federal Charter states that all Somali political offices must be divided in accordance with the vile 4.5 formula. It is truly astonishing that grown men can seriously entertain the idea of executing state business on such a basis. The disgraceful 4.5 formula is nothing less than an assault upon the dignity of the Somali nation. This dishonourable concept only exists to serve the base interest of the many loathsome clan chauvinists of Somalia, and the Somali people must never succumb to such divisive schemes.

It is clear to me that the clan lineage of any Somali politician is simply irrelevant when one is asked to evaluate the political competence of the individual in question. The clan lineage of a particular Somali politician is about as important as that individual's height or weight with respect to the ability to perform a specific political duty. How has it come to pass that certain people, who claim to be serving the best interests of the Somali nation, can entertain the dreadful idea sharing political power in accordance with the 4.5 formula? The 4.5 formula—if adopted by the people of Somalia—shall surely lead to the dismemberment of the Somali nation.

The Somali nation, like any other nation, cannot afford to prostitute the nature of its national politics by indulging in the promotion of shameful pursuits like political fragmentation along clan lines. The folly of blindly following the wicked men who promote divisive agendas—such as the futile attempt to give legitimacy to the flawed TFG of Somalia by way of foreign military assistance—must be resisted by all Somali people. The TFG of Somalia represents, quite simply, a stain upon the honour of the Somali nation. Over 20,000 helpless Somali civilians have been killed as a result of the illegitimate claims of the TFG of Somalia. And, over 3 million Somali civilians have either been forcibly displaced, within the Somali national territory, or are in acute danger of starving to death as a direct result of the genocidal military aggression launched in the name of the TFG of Somalia.

We, of the honourable Somali nation, must never entertain the idea of supporting a criminal entity, such as the TFG of Somalia, in its quest for political legitimacy. How can the Somali people ever recognise the legitimacy of the TFG after a brutal Ethiopian military intervention has failed to win political legitimacy for the TFG of Somalia? The TFG of Somalia is unable enforce its declared claim to rule the people of Somalia, and everybody is aware of this fact. Therefore, this particularly dishonourable political aberration—the TFG of Somalia—must not be permitted sully the good name of the Somali nation any longer. In statecraft, there can never be such a thing as legitimacy without might, and the TFG of Somalia, at this moment in time, enjoys neither might nor political legitimacy.